The reported hammer prices do not include commissions:
Lot 1: Euro 400; lot 2: Euro 200; lot 4: Euro 850; lot 6: Euro 300; lot 7: Euro 700; lot 8: Euro 1000; lot 9: Euro 950; lot 10: Euro 300; lot 11: Euro 450; lot 12: Euro 1200; lot 13: Euro 850; lot 14 Euro 350;
Lot 15: Euro 12000
Lot 17: Euro 700; lot 18: Euro 100; lot 19: Euro 800; lot 20: Euro 750; lot 21: Euro 180; lot 22: Euro 1300; lot 23: Euro 1200; lot 25: Euro 900; lot 26: Euro 600; lot 27: Euro 1200; lot 28: 2200; lot 29: Euro 550; lot 30: 450; lot 31: Euro 180; lot 32: Euro 2000; lot 33: Euro 1500; lot 34: Euro 500; lot 38: Euro 150; lot 39: Euro 150; lot 40: Euro 300; lot 41: Euro 1100; lot 42: Euro 100; lot 43: Euro 180; lot 45: Euro 150; lot 46: Euro 200; lot 47: Euro: 500; lot 48: Euro 300; lot 49: Euro 300; lot 50: Euro 550; lot 50 b: Euro 1000; lot 52: Euro 250; lot 53; Euro 600; lot 54: Euro 750; lot 56: Euro 220; lot 57: Euro 250; lot 58: Euro 200; lot 58b: Euro 320; lot 60: Euro 200; lot 62: Euro 800; lot 63: Euro 350; lot 64: Euro 300; lot 65: Euro 350; lot 66: Euro 280; lot 67: Euro 650; lot 69: Euro 250; lot 70: Euro 950; lot 74: Euro 700; lot 75: Euro 180; lot 76: Euro 150; lot 77: Euro 150; lot 78: Euro 450; lot 81: Euro 150; lot 82: Euro 300; lot 83: Euro 600; lot 84: Euro 380; lot 85: Euro 700; lot 86: Euro 320; lot 87: Euro: 500; lot 88: Euro 400; lot 88b: Euro 350; lot 88c: Euro 2800; lot 89: Euro 150; lot 90: Euro 350; lot 90b: Euro 300; lot 94: Euro 150; lot 95: Euro 200; lot 96: 120; lot 96b: Euro 300; lot 96c: Euro 200; lot 97: Euro 350; lot 98: Euro 320; lot 99: Euro 120; lot 100: Euro 700.
Lot 102: Euro 1500
Lot 103: Euro 500; lot 104: Euro 300; lot 105: Euro 700; lot 106: Euro 120; lot 107: Euro 30; lot 108: Euro 800; lot 109: Euro 480; lot 110: Euro 400; lot 111: Euro 600; lot 112: Euro 950; lot 113: Euro 200; lot 115: Euro 400; lot 117: Euro 700; lot 120: Euro 300; lot 122: Euro 250; lot 122b: Euro 220; lot 123: Euro 100; lot 125: Euro 200; lot 126: Euro 120; lot 128: Euro 200; lot 129: Euro 300; lot 131: Euro 700; lot 133: Euro 450; lot 136: Euro 200; lot 137: Euro 70; lot 138: Euro 350; lot 139: Euro 320; lot 140: Euro 300; lot 141: Euro 550; lot 142: Euro 280; lot 143: Euro 750; lot 145: Euro 1500; lot 146: Euro 1600; lot 147: Euro 600; lot 148: 3500; lot 149: Euro 850; lot 150: Euro 800; lot 151: Euro 180; lot 152: Euro 150; lot 153: Euro 200; lot 154: Euro 400; lot 155: Euro 90; lot 156: Euro 2500; lot 157: Euro 300; lot 158: Euro 1600; lot 159: Euro 380; lot 160: Euro 1100; lot 162: Euro 1100; lot 163: Euro 60; lot 164: Euro 1000; lot 165: Euro 300; lot 166: Euro 700; lot 167: Euro 1800; lot 168: Euro 650; lot 170: Euro 700; lot 171: Euro 800; lot 172: Euro 700; lot 173: Euro 800; lot 174: Euro 950; lot 176: Euro 800; lot 177: Euro 1500; lot 178: Euro 2000.
Lot 179 Euro 23000
Lot 181: Euro 750; lot 182: Euro 70; lot 183: Euro 500; lot 184: Euro 800; lot 188: Euro 1500; lot 189: Euro 1900; lot 190: Euro 700; lot 191: Euro 400; lot 192: Euro 650; lot 193: Euro 950; lot 195: Euro 950; lot 196: Euro 1200; lot 197: Euro 550; lot 198: Euro 500; lot 99: Euro 950; lot 200: Eur 650; lot 202: Euro 500; lot 203: Euro 1000; lot 204: Euro 1600; lot 295: Euro 1300; lot 208: 550; lot 209: Euro 500; lot 211: Euro 35000; lot 212: Euro 2000; lot 213: Euro 1550; lot 214: Euro 2500; lot 215: Euro 1100; lot 216: Euro 1800; lot 217: Euro 2900; lot 218: Euro 2000; Lot 219: Euro 6000; lot 220: Euro 4500; lot 221: Euro 2000; lot 223: Euro 4800.
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(II)
Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Part XXIV
The Major Tibetan and Himalayan Collections in France by Pascale Dollfus.
History of non-European collections in European Museums, 2004, France
Reproduced in 2007 in HAL a multi – disciplinary open access web archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published of not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research center.
The “Epic of the Web” series is a digital retrospective project launched in 2024 that traces the history of early websites and online archives active between 1994 and 2008 (such as TribalArts.com or AsianArts.com), serving as a semantic hub that interconnects the scholarly literature of the past—originally in print—with the historical memory of the web.
COMING SOON
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(III)
EDITOR ANSWERS
Ethnoflorence has recently unveiled a new editorial feature called “Editor’s Answers, launched in October 2025, this new series offers concise responses to reader inquiries about Ethnoflorence’s digital ethnographic projects and on our major current “Epic of the Web” series, which explores early internet archives dedicated to Himalayan and tribal arts. “Editor’s Answers” acts as both a platform for dialogue between Ethnoflorence and its readers and as a reflection on the legal, ethical, and archival challenges surrounding digital heritage preservation in tribal and Himalayan arts today.
Ethical collecting and the ethics of collections: what impact do they have in the field of Himalayan indigenous arts?
In Himalayan tribal arts, I see a difference between “ethical collecting” and the “ethical status of collections.” Ethical collecting is about how items are acquired and how one behaves in the process, while ethical status is about whether it’s still fair to keep, interpret, display, and share what you already have. Acting responsibly now doesn’t erase the historical issues tied to a collection; likewise, a collection formed under questionable circumstances can still be opened up for honest research, collaboration, and reparations. This distinction is grounded in the ICOM Code, which connects caring for collections not only to acquisition but also to rightful ownership, proper records, accessibility, and careful deaccessioning.
The crux of the matter is responsibility: it is not enough to ask whether an object is authentic or whether it was acquired legally; one must also understand which relationships, rights, and possibilities for use have been compromised by its transformation into a collector’s item. In the case of Nepal, this perspective emerges with particular clarity through demands for the restitution of objects—including to local communities, rather than solely to national museums.
Legality, legitimacy, and ethicality do not always coincide. When evaluating a collection, I would suggest keeping three levels distinct, in line with two clear principles from the ICOM Code: verifying valid title of ownership and carefully reconstructing the object’s provenance; and, furthermore, handling sacred materials with respect for the beliefs and interests of the communities of origin. It is important to clarify that the Code applies to museums, whereas for private collecting, these rules serve as an ethical reference rather than a set of regulations that are automatically binding in every detail.
The consequence is significant: a collector’s good faith and the ethical assessment of a collection are related yet distinct aspects. The latter entails conducting due diligence and remaining open to changing one’s conduct in light of new evidence—as demonstrated by the instances where items were returned following provenance research carried out after their acquisition (for an example, see: Ongoing Research & Provenance | Rubin Museum of Himalayan Art )
The specific nature of Himalayan masks: attribution is also an ethical issue ((we will discuss the issue of semantic appropriation further down)
For masks commonly labeled as “tribal,” “archaic,” or—in the past—”shamanic,” what matters is not merely their provenance or ownership history, but also the quality of the knowledge generated about the object. As early as 1995, a specialized study by Thomas Murray acknowledged the speculative nature of many ethnic attributions applied to masks. This observation comes from within the field’s own literature—rather than serving as an independent verification of each individual attribution—and it serves as a cautionary note against conflating collecting categories with ethnographic certainties ( Thomas-Murray-Articles-Hali_1995_Demons_and_Deities_Masks_of_th.pdf )
From this, three methodological requirements can be deduced: the first consists of explicitly separating observation from interpretation. The type of material, the dimensions of an artifact, the presence of any repairs, and the nature of its patina constitute descriptive data; terms such as “shaman’s mask” or “ancestral face,” by contrast, represent interpretations that must be documented. It is therefore necessary to make the origin of such attributions explicit: they may derive, for example, from the testimony of those who used the object, from field research, from iconographic comparisons, or, more simply, from a name found in—or taken from—a commercial catalog. In cases of doubt, however, it is preferable to maintain a degree of uncertainty: an “unverified attribution” is a more rigorous approach than assigning a specific ethnic label without supporting evidence. These criteria address a general documentary issue—well known in the specialized literature on traditional masks—and reflect the museological principle that an object serves as a primary source of evidence. The critical implication is significant: a collection may be preserved impeccably, yet offer a very fragile basis of knowledge if it presents as established fact certain hypotheses that have, over time, become entrenched within its own catalogs—a form of circular, self-reinforcing validation where data is repeatedly cited without ever having been verified at the very beginning of the evidentiary chain.
Not all masks present the same issues; it would be equally incorrect to assume that every Himalayan mask is necessarily a stolen item, or to presume that its presence on the market implies a legitimate, ritually sanctioned disposal. A documented case illustrates the importance of evaluating each piece on an individual basis. On December 4, 2023, the Rubin Museum returned a 16th-century Bhairava mask to Nepal. According to publicly released documentation, evidence provided by the Manhattan District Attorney’s Office demonstrated that the mask had been stolen from Dolakha in March 1994. In March 2023, the Rubin had agreed to surrender the object to facilitate its return to its rightful owner. This episode, involving a specific mask of immense cultural value, nonetheless demonstrates that institutional prestige and subsequent inclusion in a museum collection are no substitute for verifying an object’s prior history.
It is important to clarify that provenance in a collecting context is not the same as cultural provenance. When evaluating a collection of masks, one must distinguish between two complementary sets of information: the history of the object’s circulation—which includes sellers, buyers, dates, invoices, exports, imports, auctions, exhibitions, and publications—and the history of the object within its own context—which encompasses, where it can be reconstructed, the place and community of origin or use, local names, function, custodians, the circumstances under which it was transferred, and the meaning attributed to the object. A note frequently encountered in commercial literature—such as “in a European collection since the 1980s”—may be useful for the first set of information, but it leaves the second almost entirely blank. Indeed, the due diligence requirement established by ICOM pertains to the history of an object from the moment of its creation or discovery, not merely its subsequent journey through the world of collecting.
In compiling our digital archive, we document each mask by presenting three distinct layers of information alongside the image: what was claimed by the historical or commercial source; what has been verified to date; and what remains controversial or unknown. An old auction record might attest that an object was sold on a specific date with a particular attribution, but this alone does not prove that the attribution was correct or that the object’s removal from its original context was legitimate. This distinction addresses the need for a critical reconstruction of provenance, while also reflecting the caution regarding ethnic attributions already highlighted in specialized academic literature. From this perspective, the archive can become a tool for verification rather than merely a multiplier of authority.
The more complex issue, therefore, is not to decide in the abstract whether Himalayan collecting is “good” or “bad,” but rather to examine, in the case of each individual collection, whether the objects in one’s possession are kept apart from critical engagement, or whether their ownership is accompanied by a commitment to document, correct, share interpretive authority, and—when necessary—return them.
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Another critical issue: what are your thoughts on the Western semantic appropriation of Himalayan tribal arts? In your view, what are the potential problems this entails, and what are the prospects for resolving them?
(Part I)
Western semantic appropriation in the field of so-called Himalayan tribal arts primarily concerns the power ‘to define’ what an object is: “art,” “shamanic mask” (a category now considered outdated, though prevalent in past literature, and is still widely prevalent, for example on the web; the critical stance of our Ethnoflorence editorial team regarding this term has been articulated on several occasions), “ancestor,” “fetish,” or “primitive work.” This issue does not necessarily coincide with material appropriation of course; an object may have been acquired legitimately yet still be described using categories that ‘replace’ or ‘obscure’ its original local meanings. The central question, therefore, revolves around “interpretative authority”: who gets to name these objects, based on what evidence, and with what consequences for the people and traditions involved?
In my analysis, I will use the term “semantic appropriation” as an analytical category—not as an automatic diagnosis or inevitable outcome of every “intercultural translation.” Employing the term in this way allows for a more precise critique, enabling us to distinguish between key concepts such as interpretation, attributional error, commercial valorization, and the erasure of local voices. Critical literature on the authenticity of Indigenous arts, in particular, demonstrates how Western aesthetic categories can prioritize the concerns and expectations of the observer over the meanings ascribed by the original creators themselves.
The first critical issue is already inherent in the name of the field: while the term “Himalayan tribal arts” is useful for identifying a specific area of collecting—and is used by us in that sense—it must be explicitly and clearly acknowledged that the term becomes problematic if it is intended to encompass a single, homogeneous cultural category. “Tribal,” “Himalayan,” and “shamanic” are clearly not synonyms; rather, they denote, respectively, a social classification, a geographical reference, and a religious or ritual qualification. Grouping or associating them under seemingly homogeneous labels / captions risks transforming a plurality of practices into what appears to be a unified universe. Even in the 2015’s mask’s exhibition, “Becoming Another,” held at the Rubin Museum in New York, a distinction was made between objects used in shamanic, ritual, and theatrical practices—a classification that, in fact, should have preceded, rather than followed, the interpretation of the materials themselves.
Rubin Museum of Art – Becoming Another – 2015′ Exhibition – Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
It should be noted that Rubin’s art-historical presentation has emphasized intercultural exchanges and the interplay between Buddhism, Hinduism, Bön, and indigenous beliefs—following a classification of the material that is well-established in existing literature; however, it is important to understand that interpreting such objects in a detached manner—viewing them solely as vestiges of an earlier, archaic period—ultimately strips them of the very history of relationships that brought them into being.
It follows that, as explicitly stated and used by Ethnoflorence, the term “Himalayan tribal art” pertains—and must refer—exclusively to the historical designation of a specific collecting field, without implying a uniform or homogenizing explanation for the objects included therein.
I find it extremely interesting to reconstruct the process by which a gap in the documentation can, through semantic appropriation, give rise to a narrative certainty. The crux of the matter lies in the moment when a mere interpretive hypothesis sheds all signs of its own uncertainty—following a semantic pattern such as this: “Wooden mask of undocumented origin, attributed to Nepal” might transform into “Ancient shamanic mask used for exorcism—or representing an ancestor—belonging to a specific community, such as for example Tamang or Magar etc.” I would like to clarify that this is a purely schematic example—not a citation from a specific catalog—which nonetheless highlights the issue under discussion: determining the geographical origin, cultural affiliation, ritual function, and identity of the depicted figure are distinct matters, each requiring its own supporting evidence.
A key internal source for the history of collecting in this field is Renzo Freschi’s text on Nepalese masks. In it, the author acknowledges the challenges involved in reconstructing the provenance, meaning, and use of these objects, while providing the first detailed and most comprehensive account of the roles played by gallery owners, collectors, publications, museums, and auction houses in the development of this collecting sector. Renzo Freschi – asian art | NEPALESE TRIBAL MASKS DISCOVERY AND ADVENTURE,<br> by Renzo Freschi Although the text is an invaluable record of that process, it must be clarified—and a distinction drawn—that it cannot serve as a substitute for the ethnographic documentation of individual artifacts.
In this way the best ‘solution’ to overcome the challenges associated with a semantic attribution is to reconstruct the steps by which a “plausible attribution” became an “established fact”—for instance, within a published catalogue.
Returning to the analysis published by the Rubin Museum, it is noted that Tibetan and Nepalese objects were initially collected and presented in the West as ethnographic curiosities, and only later as expressions of artistic traditions. This is not a circumstance without consequences; while this shift certainly broadened the recognition of these objects, it also altered the questions directed toward them.
This occurs because the aesthetic appreciation of an artifact does not, in itself, constitute a form of deprivation; it only becomes so when its visual appearance ends up supplanting its documentable history—that is, who created it, who owned it, when it was used or displayed, as well as the specific knowledge or skills that determined its function.
Returning to our subject: the problem does not lie in admiring, evaluating, or interpreting a mask from an aesthetic perspective—for its sculptural power and formal presence—but rather in treating these predominantly aesthetic elements as an explanation for its very existence.
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
“Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” by Eric Chazot, published in Orientations, Vol. 24, No. 9 (September 1993)
Eric Chazot’s Feature “Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” reproduced in the Orientations Issue Vol. 24, No. 9, September 1993, alongside Ian Alsop’s “Masks of the Newars, “is a landmark early‑1990s synthesis that helped define Nepalese and western Himalayan ritual masks as a distinct field within tribal art, combining ethnographic description, stylistic analysis, and market‑oriented connoisseurship; both article signaled an emerging scholarly focus on ritual masking traditions across Nepal and the western Himalaya.
Extract from Orientations “Past Issues” webpage – circa 1997 – Photo credit of Orientations com
Orientations is a long‑standing Hong Kong–based magazine dedicated to showcasing Asian art and culture, its web site was launched in 1996, “Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” was never reproduced online.
Except for a brief period around the early 2010s, at a general-interest commercial website that sold Himalayan goods.
Extract from Orientations main webpage – circa 1997 – Photo credit of Orientations com
Extract from Orientations “Past Issues” webpage – circa 1997 – Photo credit of Orientations com
This 1993’s article follows in the wake of Chazot’s previous curatorial and cataloging work—notably, as mentioned in earlier issues of our series, the catalog for the 1990 exhibition “Masks of the Himalayas” (Pace Primitive) and his co-curation with Lawrence Hultberg of the traveling exhibition “Facing the Gods: Ritual Masks of the Himalayas” (1989–1991).
Among the other pivotal earlier contributions, Eric Chazot—using the pseudonym “Patrick Pevenage”—curated the 1981 exhibition Art et chamanisme au Népal and its accompanying catalogue, Art tribal du Népal, at the Galerie Île du Démon in Paris. The catalogue featured a short but influential text that framed Nepalese “primitive” objects—masks, shamanic paraphernalia, and ritual instruments—within their lived ritual and cultural contexts rather than merely as aesthetic curiosities, thereby helping to establish the market vocabulary of “Nepal tribal art” in Europe. Chazot’s use of “Patrick Pevenage” coincides with the period when he was helping to professionalize and theorize the emerging European market for Himalayan shamanic and tribal objects. Writing under a pseudonym allowed him to contribute scholarly framing to dealer-led exhibitions while maintaining a degree of separation between market activity and ethnographic authority—a common strategy in the primitive-arts world of the 1980s.
These efforts solidified Eric Chazot reputation as a leading expert in the field while also promoting also these pieces as a unique and distinct artistic category within the field of tribal arts.
Since this Eric Chazot’s 1993’s remarkable, pioneering, and authoritative text that attempted to outline a methodology combining visual analysis (carving, patina, form) with ethnographic interpretation (shamanic ritual, performance) still provides essential insights for understanding this type of material, we’d like to dedicate a special issue to exploring and analyzing it, also with the aim of continuing to spread knowledge of its work.
Tribal Masks of the Himalayas
1993
An analysis more than thirty years later
The author in the article warns the reader right from the start that observing the “primitive” or “tribal masks” of the Himalayas means becoming accustomed to a style entirely different from what is usually expected of traditional Himalayan art in the West.
That initial caveat points to a dichotomy that would unfold in subsequent years within the study of Himalayan art: the contrast between the “classical” canon—more familiar in the West—and the emerging, far less documented world of archaic masks from Nepal and the Western Himalayas.
“Aesthetic interest in the objects themselves or astonishment at their shape and their mysterious beauty provokes questions as to what they mean and how they originated”.
Eric Chazot points out that the iconography of these masks reflects, above all, the artist’s individuality—free to express their imagination, as the creation of tribal masks rarely adhered to rigid rules. While embodying a natural freshness and instinctive expression, they also showcase a wide range of skills and technical approaches; consequently, some masks are highly refined, whereas others are simpler in execution, featuring minimal decoration or rough carving—cases where a few quick cuts to form the eye and mouth openings sufficed.
Photo courtesy of Eric Chazot
In this world Supernatural forces are projected onto a mask, which the viewer brings to life by giving it their own meaning. This form of expression captures the spirit, beliefs, and unique perspectives of the cultures that created the masks, while also showing how Buddhism and Hinduism—having replaced shamanic traditions—transformed and even absorbed many of these rituals.
In the article, the author emphasizes how the ethnic groups that created these masks have undergone radical transformations over time—such as the Thakali people of the upper Kali-Gandaki Valley in western Nepal, who transitioned from their original shamanistic religion to Buddhism and, more recently, to Hinduism. Consequently, some of the tribal masks discussed represent cults and deities that have vanished or are on the verge of extinction, swept away by religious conversion; many of them thus survive only as silent testaments to a civilization that no longer exists.
The masks analyzed in Eric Chazot’s article are all works created in Nepal by the various ethnic groups inhabiting the Terai—the southern plains along the Indian border—the central hills (excluding the Kathmandu Valley), and the northern Himalayan regions. In terms of form, patina, and carving, Himalayan tribal masks resemble those from Africa, Indonesia, or the Americas.
According to Chzot, these Himalayan masks resemble Japanese terracotta masks from the Jōmon period—dating back to the second millennium BCE—and, at times, those used by Siberian shamans or tribes in central India (such as the Bhuga), who employed them for divination prior to hunting ceremonies. In these latter instances, there may be more than a mere aesthetic resemblance, though only rigorous comparative studies can clarify the validity of the comparison. Occasionally, despite the sculpture’s archaic appearance, the object may actually be a Buddhist or Hindu image originating from a remote village or a small temple—as is the case with the boar-shaped mask from a Buddhist village reproduced at # 1 in the article.
Even when practiced in Buddhist or Hindu settings, this artistic tradition has retained its connection to shamanism. Mask-making traces back to prehistoric times, when masks or animal skins were likely used in magical rituals tied to hunting, healing, cursing, or killing—practices that eventually evolved into the Cham dances of Tibetan Buddhism. Over the past two centuries, social, political, and religious changes have altered the role of many masks, sometimes giving ancient pieces new meanings. With the variety of ethnic groups, it’s hard to identify the original purposes of all these works. Appeasing demons has long been common in Himalayan communities, dating back to ancient times. Saints or shamans—the village “sorcerers”—often subdued local demons, turning them into protective deities and objects of worship. Some masks depict these very demons, now transformed into household or temple spirits. Even in Buddhist monasteries, images of local deities or demons elevated to new status were kept alongside effigies of Buddhist protectors (Gonpo). Since their appearance reflected local cult traditions, the style of the masks points to an ancient origin.
Shamans, called “jhankri” in Nepali, from various ethnic groups often carve faces onto their ritual wooden daggers known as “phurbu” or the handles of their drums called “dyangro.”
Chazot’s observation is intriguing, as these phurbu and dyangro handles showcase a wide range of faces—from classical to primitive—that share a strong iconographic connection with the diverse world of Himalayan masks.
This is an insight—a working hypothesis—that aligns with specific research and iconographic evidence studied by Ethnoflorence over the last few decades; further in-depth analysis and previously unpublished studies on this subject will be released in the coming months.
From a functional perspective, the author has observed that, although masks are no longer used for therapeutic purposes today, in the Himalayan region they can still facilitate possession by a tutelary deity and induce states of trance—often accompanied by divinatory practices. Furthermore, as previously noted, an analogous tradition survives in the masked dances of the Newar and Rajbansi peoples, as well as among Hindus in general, a fact demonstrated by various specific studies conducted by Ethnoflorence.
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The shaman undoubtedly plays a central role within the community: he wards off malevolent spirits, possesses healing abilities, sometimes officiates at funeral rites, venerates deities or secret spirits, and preserves myths that have long been forgotten by the collective. Given their prevalence and their significance as repositories of knowledge, it is likely that the jhankri themselves carved some of these masks; however, identifying them with certainty and attributing an exclusively shamanic function to them remains a complex task—a hypothesis that Eric Chazot later addressed more specifically in an interview with our editorial team, published as part of our “Epic of the Web” series.
From an aesthetic perspective, many tribal masks share the same source of inspiration as the wooden ritual objects used by jhankri. Depending on their origin, these masks and shamanic artifacts may exhibit common traits and modes of expression; however, the study of the connection between them is still in too early a stage to confirm it or to establish its precise nature—particularly with regard to their more distant past. This is a specific subject of iconographic research by Ethnoflorence, the findings of which will soon be presented in a dedicated publication.
During grand festivals, elaborate masked dances take place, serving as popular entertainment, initiation rites, village pantomimes, or professional theatrical shows. Hindu, Buddhist, and Bon religious groups all incorporate masked performances into their rituals, upheld by royal courts (numerous before the eighteenth century), towns, villages, and religious communities. Various forms of theatre and pantomime emerged to depict the feats of gods and heroes and to bring local legends to life. Famous theatrical troupes, owning masks and costumes, were highly sought after and traveled from village to village. Masked dances are not exclusive to high castes; for instance, a blacksmith (kami) from an untouchable caste crafted the mask shown in Figure # 2 reproduced in the original article.
He wore it during Durga Dasain, the most important Hindu festival in Nepal dedicated to the goddess Durga. Nowadays, except for the Newars of the Kathmandu Valley, most professional performances illustrating local legends have vanished, and when villagers stage theatrical performances, they generally avoid using masks. Village dramas are uniquely rich in monsters of all kinds—fantastic beings with long teeth, bulging eyes, characters with crooked or unusual faces, hideous animals, demons, and ogres. Masks of rakshasas (demons) often feature long teeth and usually depict expressions of hatred, anger, or the craving for human flesh. These demons kill and devour people, possess individuals, attack herds, and destroy crops.
Many masks come in pairs, such as those used by village clowns to pantomime domestic quarrels between an old man and his wife (or wives). The theme of a drunken old man beating his wife is especially popular. These clowns are not necessarily part of the main drama, but offer comic relief in sketches between acts, sometimes inspired by well-known characters from professional troupes. Masks depicting these characters can be found among various tribes. In the Middle Hills, masks hung over doors of cattle sheds, barns, or homes serve a protective purpose; their grotesque demon faces are meant to scare away evil spirits and prevent thunderbolts from striking the houses. The goddess of the thunderbolt, a young virgin, is believed to be frightened off by these terrifying faces. Upon a person’s death, a mask with human features or depicting a divinity might be placed on the family altar after mourning ceremonies, honoring their memory and granting merit in the next world.
The mountain tribes of the Middle Hills, such as the Gurung, Magar, and Rai, still remember some clan legends, though they have yet to be collected and recorded. Masks are often stored in village homes for occasional use, but the rise of mass media and Nepal’s policy of cultural uniformity has reduced interest in traditional theatrical performances. The use of masks is now mostly limited to minor clowning or pantomime, and their once important role in mythic dramas and youth initiation is fading. The Rai, who live in eastern Nepal, speak nearly twenty different dialects and are a branch of the Kirant, the original inhabitants of the eastern Himalayas. Knowledge of their legends remains incomplete.
The growing enthusiasm for Hindu festivals hints at the Rai’s long-standing love for masked performances. During Tihar, a bright and joyful celebration also known as “the five days of Yama (the god of death),” masked dances are common after the worship of Sarasvati and Krishna. Boys dressed as girls are called maruni, and clowns are known as pagaba. Maruni is a traditional dance-drama named after its main female character, accompanied by madal drums, flutes, and cymbals. A chorus narrates the drama’s events in long ballads, while spectators offer food, coins, and small gifts to the performers. Similarly, in many Middle Hill valleys, masked clowns leap through the streets during Tihar. The festival’s first day honors the crow, Yama’s messenger and a symbol of bad luck, much like in the West. The second day is dedicated to worshipping the dog, Yama’s ally and Bhairava’s vehicle, who guards the doors to the realm of death and can be a helpful guide in the afterlife if properly honored.
The fine carving of Figure 9 suggests that a highly elaborate tradition of mask making was developed by the Magar, and the shiny black patina is evidence of the mask’s antiquity. The patina of this mask may indicate it was kept in a private house, rather than in a local temple, as it has been blackened by many years of exposure to smoke from a hearth. Other features of Magar masks are the use of metal or bone for the teeth and a sophisticated system of wooden pins for fixing the hair.
This Mongoloid ethnic group settled in the area before the Gurung and Tamang, preserving their tribal traditions until quite recently. They bury their dead in mats containing food, often wheat, meant for the other world. Shamanic practices remain alive among the Magar, with shamans guiding souls to the underworlds of disease and death. According to Magar beliefs, each person has three souls. Observing a Magar shaman’s ritual objects reveals a fascinating world of gods and spirits, though little is known about the connection between shamans and masks. Some masks of the West Magar depict demons and clowns. One mask portrays a yogi or saddhu, a wandering holy man recognizable by a stylized top knot of matted hair. The yogi is a common figure in the Himalayas, appearing among southern tribes of the Terai and even Buddhist communities in the northern high valleys. Seen as both a target of mockery and a figure to fear, his supposed wisdom is viewed as a powerful, sometimes dreadful force, while his ascetic lifestyle—especially his begging—is ridiculed. Though unconfirmed for the Magar, in the Himalayas the yogi is usually portrayed by a masked actor carrying a trident and a begging bowl, sparking laughter upon his entrance. Other characters mock him for his top knot, clothing, or refusal to eat meat and drink alcohol.
The Thakali religious system is a blend of shamanic traditions, Tibetan Buddhism, and more recently, Hindu beliefs. They are divided into four clans, each honoring an animal-faced deity. During the annual festival, these gods are represented by wooden or bamboo models topped with animal masks, carried in a procession through the streets. The masks, vital to the ceremonies, are kept in temples. The red elephant-faced fire god, the oldest and ruler of the eastern kingdom, wields power over evil. The green water goddess, with the face of a makara, is the senior female deity and rules the southern kingdom. The white earth goddess, with a snow lion’s face, reigns over the west, controlling clouds and mountains. The black yak-faced god governs air and wind, bringing prosperity through the salt trade and granting fertility. In the Himalayas, the yak symbolizes prosperity, and for the Thakali, it’s considered lucky if the yak model knocks on one’s door with its horns during the procession.
In the past, the Nepalese Terai, located south of the Himalayas, was a dense jungle largely cut off from the rest of the country. This region is home to various ethnic groups, including the Tharu, Dhimal, Rajbansi, and Satar. The ancestor worship of these communities has gradually disappeared under the growing influence of Hinduism, which brought its own rituals and iconography. Many traditional dances, masked or otherwise, have been replaced by performances celebrating Hindu epics like the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. For example, the Rajbansi crafted a monkey mask for the Ram-lila dances, which reenact scenes from the Ramayana. Interestingly, many of these stories are set in this specific part of the Himalayas. Even before the spread of Hinduism, tribal legends often referenced the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, with frequent mentions of Krishna in masked dances.
Items from the Terai, though sometimes clearly ancient, lack the shiny black patina often seen on examples from the Middle Hills and high plateaus. In this low tropical region, masks were typically kept in a secluded spot in the home or in the family or village temple, so they weren’t exposed to smoke. In the past, festivals involving masks happened one or more times a year, then shifted to once every three or four years, and now such celebrations have almost vanished. These festivals served various purposes, such as honoring ancestors and clan heroes, appeasing fertility deities, practicing divination, conducting spirit possession rites, and celebrating weddings.
Apart from traditional mythical themes, there are short plays and local storie Apart from traditional mythical themes, there are short plays and local stories, which are mainly intended to be humorous. When they are performed now, they are generally played without masks–at best the dancers apply make-up. These local tales often may provide an idea of the plots of many of the ancient village dramas. Among the comic characters to be found almost everywhere in the Middle Hills and the Terai is the latha, the mute who is an object of both mockery and fear (Fig. 12). This character is the simpleton par excellence; the joker who has the power to cast a spell. A mother frequently thinks her child is ill because of an encounter with a deaf-mute. In the short plays of rural areas, such a character may have the role of exorcist as well as that of releasing the audience’s frustrations through laughter. Old couples are also frequent characters in such plays or pantomimes; buffalo-owning couples who quarrel and drunken husbands who beat their wives are caricatures of miserliness, foolishness and stupidity.
Tigers, feared throughout the jungle, often appeared in theatrical masks alongside the equally menacing rakshasas, whether local demons or figures from Hindu mythology. Even today, village legends tell of encounters with ferocious creatures like bears and tigers. The story begins with a drunken peasant trying to lead his buffalo home, his antics provoking instant laughter. Then comes the tense meeting with the monster, as tigers, bears, and demons aren’t exactly known for their humor. Eventually, the laughter returns, as the people of the Terai love to revel in it. Though it often takes an unusually long time for a simple plot to wrap up, audiences enjoy endless digressions. Much like the fables of the Panchatantra, the oldest Sanskrit collection of tales, the ending delivers a moral lesson.
Masks were often associated with licentiousness, with legends exploring temptation, attraction, and sexual union in their more shameful forms. Stories featured Krishna and the gopis (milkmaids), weddings, and buffoons making obscene gestures or allusions. Some dances included exposed phalluses, while masked clowns broke the monotony with lewd jokes. One mask from the Middle Hills, similar in sentiment to Terai masks, had a penis-shaped nose. These masks hid yet expressed suppressed tendencies—things usually forbidden or unspoken. The Tharu, the largest ethnic group in the Terai with over four hundred thousand members, have origins that remain unclear, showing Mongoloid features but linguistic ties to tribes of central or eastern India. Living along the plains south of the Middle Hills, their customs vary greatly between communities, with social organization often limited to village boundaries. During celebrations and weddings, women play drums and dance, while men enjoy beer and rice brandy.
The Tharu once performed ritual dances and plays with masked actors portraying the clan’s legends and myths, but the tribe has since embraced Hinduism, Islam, and Sikhism. In their shamanic tradition, village outskirts were guarded by carved wooden figures and matting fences, and earth fertility deities were honored twice a year, in winter and summer. Each home had a private temple in its eastern corner dedicated to lineage deities. Some clans danced around a mask placed on a small triangular altar to appease fertility gods. While many gods, demons, and clowns from tribal Himalayan masks have faded from memory, some have appeared in modern theatrical performances and dances. Mythical characters and jokers can take on various forms and roles, and village art often celebrates the power of imagination. In communities where masked dances still endure, they are treasured as occasions for communal bonding and enjoyment. These performances help preserve cultural unity, and poking fun at others’ beliefs and lifestyles can serve as a way to protect one’s own traditions. The comedic approach also makes it easier for audiences to grasp the moral of a story. Such performances, even humorous ones, are like popular books, spreading knowledge and the moral wisdom of the ancients.
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Old but Goldies
A new dedicated segment, within the “Epic of the Web” series, focusing on websites related to those featured in our research—sites that, despite their age, remain timeless due to their innovative and pioneering nature.
1998
POTALA CORPORATION
website
Potala Corporation was founded in New York City in 1977 as a commercial venture of the Tibetan Government in Exile. Initially focused on publishing and selling books, it later expanded to importing and selling Tibetan carpets, handicrafts, ritual items, and artifacts. In late 1992, Potala moved to a larger space in mid-Manhattan on 36th Street.
Interestingly, it was the only enterprise of the Tibetan Government in Exile outside India and Nepal, and the first of its kind in North America.
The main goals of this corporation, aside from its regular activities was selling Tibetan carpets, handicrafts, books, and more, were to: promote awareness of Tibetan culture, traditions, and customs through the artistic works of Tibetan artisans, weavers, and craftsmen; raise funds to provide education, vocational training, healthcare, and shelter for homeless and destitute Tibetan refugees; create job opportunities for young Tibetans, especially women, by offering skill training in traditional carpet weaving, woodcarving, Thanka painting, and metal crafts; find markets in the West for Tibetan products through active promotion in wholesale and retail; continuously expand existing ventures and explore new viable opportunities to meet these objectives; and work towards economic self-reliance with reduced dependence on external aid.
The website also promoted, among other things, the first Tibetan restaurant in North America, founded in 1982 in the heart of New York City. The restaurant has since delighted the palates of New Yorkers and visitors from around the world. Tibetan Kitchen prided itself on being the first to bring Tibetan culinary art to the West. A simple and welcoming environment, a pleasant atmosphere, and typical Tibetan hospitality are the hallmarks of Tibetan Kitchen.
The menu featured specialties ranging from MOMO, Tibet’s most famous dish (dumplings filled with meat or vegetables, available steamed or lightly fried), to Himalayan Khatsa (cold potatoes tossed in a delicious homemade sauce and garnished with peas).
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Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Part XXIV
The Major Tibetan and Himalayan Collections in France by Pascale Dollfus. History of non-European collections in European Museums, 2004, France
Reproduced in 2007 in HAL a multi – disciplinary open access web archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published of not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research center.
COMING SOON
Upcoming: Tribal Art Information Service Paleobree.com; Detours des Mondes; Jaquin Pecci Tribal Art; Tribal Art Asia com; ; Primitive Art NL Karavanserai; ARTS PREMIERS – primitive ART primitif; Ethnoflorence Indian and Himalayan Folk and Tribal Arts; tmurraysarts. com; Espace Durand Dessert spacelmdd.com ; Nepal Tribal Art; Tischenko Gallery com. ; Tribal Sculpture from Western Nepal; Renaud Venuxem com;
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EDITOR ANSWERS
Ethnoflorence has recently unveiled a new editorial feature called “Editor’s Answers,” led by its US based curator and editor Gian Marco Matteuzzi. Launched in October 2025, this new series offers concise responses to reader inquiries about Ethnoflorence’s digital ethnographic projects and on our major current “Epic of the Web” series, which explores early internet archives dedicated to Himalayan and tribal arts. “Editor’s Answers” acts as both a platform for dialogue between Ethnoflorence and its readers and as a reflection on the legal, ethical, and archival challenges surrounding digital heritage preservation in tribal and Himalayan arts today.
How effective and innovative is Ethnoflorence’s SEO compared to competitor websites in the sector?
The effectiveness and innovation of Ethnoflorence’s SEO strategy stand out sharply from traditional competitors in the tribal and Himalayan art sector, thanks to a unique approach that blends digital archaeology, web ethnography, and niche semantic indexing.
The Pillars of Ethnoflorence’s SEO Innovation:
“Digital Provenance” Architecture (Semantic & Entity SEO). Ethnoflorence does not merely optimize for generic keywords; its true innovation lies in connecting semantic entities. It cross-references the names of historical collectors, digitized vintage auction catalogs, dealers’ notes, and data on donors from the last thirty years. This generates an extensive network of long-tail keywords with immense academic value, capturing traffic from scholars, curators, and elite collectors—an audience that competitors completely overlook.
The “Epic of the Web” Project as a Backlink Magnet: Through the “Epic of the Web” editorial series, curated by Gian Marco Matteuzzi, the site maps and examines the evolution of early internet platforms dedicated to tribal art that were active between 1994 and 2008 (such as TribalArts.com or AsianArts.com etc). By preserving vulnerable or vanished digital sources in durable formats (PDF/A, WARC, XML), Ethnoflorence establishes itself as the only remaining primary source on the web for specific historical data. From an SEO perspective, this initiative attracts natural, spontaneous backlinks from cultural institutions and industry journals, thereby increasing the site’s authority in the eyes of search engines.
Strategic Management of Visual Search (Visual SEO): In the art market, visual impact is paramount. Many competitors upload large or unoptimized images. Ethnoflorence, by contrast, has established a pervasive presence by indexing detailed photographic compositions drawn from its archives—a practice maintained since 2008. This image optimization fuels parallel channels (such as Pinterest and visual search engines), allowing the platform to engage users during the initial stages of discovery or inspiration.
Interactivity and E-E-A-T: The “Editor’s Answers” Column. Launched in 2025, the “Editor’s Answers” Q&A column directly addresses real questions from readers regarding the ethics, legislation, and archival challenges surrounding tribal art. This format aligns perfectly with Google’s E-E-A-T criteria (Experience, Expertise, Authoritativeness, and Trustworthiness). By resolving specific informational queries entered by users, the site secures strong rankings within modern, AI-driven search systems (AI Overviews).
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Could you specify in detail the SEO innovation and originality of the “Epic of the Web” series by Ethnoflorence?
As previously mentioned, the innovation and SEO originality of this project do not lie in the use of conventional marketing techniques or the artificial optimization typical of commercial websites; rather, they stem from a unique, organic, and native SEO strategy rooted in digital archaeology and niche-specific semantics.
Ethnoflorence’s approach with “Epic of the web” serie stands out for its originality in search engine positioning, based on the following pillars:
Indexing based on “Digital Archaeology” The series systematically maps and analyzes pioneering specialized sites from the early Internet era (1994–2008), From a SEO perspective, this translates into the recovery of historical keywords, names of defunct galleries, auction catalogs, and Himalayan tribal art terminology now unavailable on the modern, social-media-dominated web. By generating digital monographs dedicated to these specific clusters, Ethnoflorence intercepts unique, highly research-intensive search queries (long-tail keywords).
“Silo” Semantic Structure Rooted in Ethnography: Rather than following generalized algorithmic trends, the series’ structure—organized into rigorous chapters or “numbers” (e.g., Series No.I,II, III etc)—establishes a highly robust “silo” information architecture for search engines. Each article functions as an encyclopedic entity, interconnected via an internal network of stable links (internal linking), thereby replicating the very “web” structure that the series itself aims to study from a theoretical perspective.
Recovery and Optimization of Historical Visual Content (Image SEO) This collection features historical screenshots, vintage digital banners, original site maps, and archival images of ritual masks or shamanic tools. The SEO strategy focuses on re-indexing lost visual metadata from defunct portals, enriching the web with unique iconographic content that quickly ranks on Google Images for researchers in the field.
E-E-A-T (Experience, Expertise, Authoritativeness, Trustworthiness) is a key factor in Google’s guidelines, emphasizing the value of authoritativeness and firsthand experience. The project features an “Editor’s Answers” section, where the editor directly addresses readers’ questions about the archiving, ethical, and legal aspects of tribal art. This approach not only caters perfectly to conversational search queries but also boosts E-E-A-T, positioning the Ethnoflorence blog as a primary and authoritative source in the algorithm’s ranking.
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Could you speak in detail about the Ethnoflorence’s photographic compositions, their style, and their eventual SEO effectivenes?
Ethnoflorence’s photographic compositions represent a central element of our editorial identity. an image is not merely an aesthetic or illustrative accompaniment; rather, it constitutes the very core of the scholarly and ethnographic argument. This visual approach translates into an immediately recognizable aesthetic and a precise—albeit unconventional—search engine optimization strategy.
Recognizability and Style: Visual “Ethnographic Graphics” – Our style stands in clear contrast to top-down (zenithal) photography or the imagery typical of commercial auction catalogs; instead, it is structured around the concept of “ethnographic graphics.” Its recognizability is defined by specific visual stylistic elements:
Grid and Modular Layouts: Objects are almost never presented in isolation; instead, they are arranged within compositions that form comparative grids or geometric sequences, allowing for immediate visual, typological analysis.
Aesthetics of Digital Collage: These compositions often bring together heterogeneous elements into a single piece—for instance, screenshots of old 1990s websites, scans of vintage catalogs, handwritten notes from collectors, and high-definition digital photographs can all coexist within them.
Associative and Iconographic Juxtapositions: The placement of images follows criteria based on morphological or geographical affinity (for example, positioning a mask from the Humla region alongside archival photographs showing the local population’s hairstyles, in order to demonstrate the mask’s iconographic realism).
Rejection of Modern Minimalism: Instead of the classic white or sterile e-commerce backgrounds, the style evokes a “native visual web.” It favors information density, the layering of historical textures, and a continuous vertical flow (scrolling sequences).
SEO Effectiveness: Optimizing Archaeological Imagery
While traditional visual SEO focuses on compression and standardization for commercial purposes, the SEO effectiveness of Ethnoflorence’s compositions is rooted in the value of exclusivity and visual semantics.
Dominance on Google Images for “hard-to-find” keywords: By bringing together materials from defunct archives or historical auctions into a single photographic plate, Ethnoflorence generates unique combinations of metadata (Alt Text, image titles, contextual captions) that no other site possesses. This allows its images to consistently rank at the top of visual search results for niche queries of high academic value.
Visual Search and Pattern Recognition: Modern Google algorithms (such as Google Lens) do not merely read text; they scan visual patterns. Compositions based on iconographic comparison provide the algorithm with a high density of morphological reference points—such as the shapes of masks or the details of period-specific lettering—which facilitate indexing based on visual similarity.
Reducing Bounce Rate through Associative Navigation: The complexity and informational richness of the photographic plates stimulate the visual curiosity of researchers and collectors. This significantly extends the time spent on the page (Dwell Time), signaling strong user interest (User Engagement) to search engines.
Generation of Spontaneous Backlinks (Visual Link Baiting): Because these photographic compositions incorporate unique original research and trace the history of the objects, scholars, galleries, and enthusiasts of Himalayan art tend to use these images as primary sources—citing and linking directly to Ethnoflorence’s blog pages—thereby increasing the site’s overall authority.
A personal impression on four lots offered in the recent Millon auction dedicated to the Durand Dessert collection (regardless of their auction results, which will not be mentioned).
Lot 62
Arguably the most historically significant and rare lot: a shrine figure documented since 1974, published by Sestini, Chazot/Durand-Dessert, and Tribal Arts magazine; extensively documented by Jean-Pierre Girolami and the subject of our own recent, in-depth research and web-publication; Pecci provenance and a long history of gallery and group exhibitions (For Cchapru shrie, thnere are precise architectural surveys carried out by Paolo Sestini and Alessia Albergucci of Florence, already cited in our previous research). Valerio Sestini was one of the leading experts in the Himalayas architecture is died on Friday Oct 18 | ETHNOFLORENCE INDIAN AND HIMALAYAN FOLK AND TRIBAL ARTS
The Cchapru temple (also referred to as the Cchapru sanctuary) is a small shrine near Lake Rara in western Nepal, documented as an important example of local archaic and shamanic religious art. Jean-Pierre Girolami’s 1994 photographs and his last 2024 visit provide the primary evidence of its transformation—alongside photographic material from Valerio Sestini (1974) and an undated photograph showing it still surrounded by its associated village.
At that earlier stage, the temple still contained an integrated assemblage of shamanic and archaic material: bells, old statues, and votive bronze figurines. We have characterizes Cchapru as a “unitary corpus” embedded in the shrine’s architecture, comparable to Valerio Sestini’s documentation around 1974.
When Girolami came back in 2024 with collectors Daniel Boudre and Luciano Lanfranchi, the sanctuary had been transformed into a Hindu site. A concrete Shiva statue—built over a branch framework similar to local clay figures—had replaced the old horseman statue, which was now tucked away in a corner.
Girolami noted that shamanic imagery had vanished from the small temple; the central column, once adorned with a Buddhist sacred-vase sculpture at its base, had been swapped for a simple pillar. A carved plaque now officially marks the location as a Hindu site.
For Himalayan material-religion studies, Cchapru is a concise case study in ritual iconographic replacement and religious reclassification: an archaic/shamanic sanctuary absorbed into an official Hindu framework, with its earlier votive and shamanic apparatus removed or marginalized. The comparison between Sestini’s c. 1974 record, Girolami’s 1994 photographs, and the 2024 visit gives the site unusual documentary depth.
Ethnoflorence frames this as part of its digital-ethnographic method: combining retrospective publication, Girolami’s photographic archive, and field recollection to preserve evidence of a rapidly changing vernacular sacred landscape.
Lot 74 & 113
Two of the most Iconic Himalayan masks ever published, reproduced in Demons and Deities: Masks of the Himalayas by Thomas Murray, with photographs by Don Tuttle, the article is available online as a two-part article originally published in HALI Annual #2
Thomas Murray’s Demons and Deities: Masks of the Himalayas holds a key spot in our “Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web” series, as it showcases how a significant print-era study became a milestone in early online Himalayan art scholarship. First published in the Hali Annual (London, 1995), it was later republished on Asianart.com in January 2001 and is regarded by Ethnoflorence as an “iconic” reference in the pre-social-media era.
Ethnoflorence’s ongoing series covers the period from around 1994 to 2008, when niche websites began making Himalayan and tribal art research, images, and catalogues accessible worldwide.
Murray’s essay serves as a notable example of the shift from specialized print publishing to open digital circulation, expanding access beyond collectors, dealers, and institutional audiences.
Murray describes Himalayan masking as a multi-layered tradition instead of a singular “tribal” category. He broadly separates classical deity masks connected to Hindu and Buddhist rituals, village masks influenced by local myths and festivals, and older or shamanic masks linked to healing and ritual power. He also points out the long-distance stylistic and thematic connections—linking Himalayan designs to Eurasian, Alaskan, Japanese, and other mask traditions—and suggests that a shared masking practice could have very ancient origins. This broad, trans-regional perspective gave the essay an unusually ambitious scope for its era.
In Ethnoflorence’s series, Murray’s work sits alongside other groundbreaking online publications—Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami’s Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas (2000) and Mort Golub’s Transforming Masks / Masks of the Himalayas (2001)—as part of an emerging digital canon.
Today for provenance- and ethics-conscious research, the essay remains valuable as a documentation source, but it should be read historically: its sweeping comparative claims about “universal” mask traditions reflect the interpretive climate of the 1990s. Our framing is useful precisely because it preserves and highlights both the essay’s influence and the digital archive through which that influence was disseminated.
Chazot’s essay shines a light on a long-overlooked category, drawing a clear contrast between Himalayan masks and the already celebrated “classical” Himalayan arts—bronzes, sculptures, murals, and paintings. He argued that mask art was just starting to gain recognition. Ethnoflorence sees this as a key step in elevating masks to the status of meaningful cultural and artistic artifacts, rather than mere curiosities.
The interpretive framework covers function and iconography. The catalog provided the reproduced masks with a strong contextual background, including their ritual use, iconography, local religious significance, patina, style, and provenance. In our previous issue we showcases Chazot’s text as a central guide for understanding masks linked to shamans, divination, dance, theatre, local deities, demons, animals, and clowns.
Bradley and Chazot saw Himalayan masking as a bridge between tribal and major religions, blending indigenous and animist traditions with Hinduism and Buddhism. For Ethnoflorence, this gave the exhibition significance beyond aesthetics, serving as a way to place masks within real ritual and religious contexts.
The show and catalogue played a key role in bringing Himalayan masks to a wide Western audience, boosting their scholarly recognition, appeal to collectors, and market value. We also highlights in our series the catalogue’s afterlife through early online sharing, including Pace Primitive material later made accessible via Himalayan Art Resources, which expanded its influence worldwide Mask (Himalayan Art)
Chazot played a key role in framing Himalayan masks for Western audiences, introducing a conceptual vocabulary that highlighted the diversity of the region’s peoples and mask traditions, their ritual and performance contexts, and their blend of religious influences. He described masks as representing “clowns and gods, demons, fabulous animals, and local divinities,” with some used by shamans and others in divination—an interpretation that became widely cited. Ethnoflorence’s and Chazot’s later reflection is more critical, noting that the “shaman mask” label helped promote a marketable but potentially oversimplified and exoticized category, which subsequent anthropology has challenged. This nuance is part of why the 1990 catalogue remains significant: it serves both as a pioneering reference and as a record of the early frameworks through which Himalayan masks entered the global art conversation.
From a critical perspective, Masks of the Himalayas (Bradley/Chazot, Pace Primitive, 1990) is significant today because it was a pioneering exhibition and catalogue that brought Himalayan masks into the Western mainstream; distinguished them from canonical Himalayan painting and sculpture; provided an early ritual, iconographic, and religious framework; helped establish their artistic, ethnographic, and market value; and became a fundamental reference—all while highlighting the risks of a generalized “shamanic” classification, a “matter” toady considered outdated.
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EDITOR ANSWERS
“Editor’s Answers” by Ethnoflorence is a column launched in October 2025 that offers brief explanations regarding the objectives and methods underpinning Ethnoflorence’s projects. Topics covered include: digital ethnography—specifically, how early websites and online communities can be studied as evidence of the dissemination and interpretation of Himalayan tribal art; the creation of archives—incorporating photographs, digital catalogs, collectors’ accounts, and other online materials that contribute to historical documentation; the “Epic of the Web” series—a retrospective analysis of early websites (particularly those active between 1994 and 2008) that made documentation on Himalayan and tribal art available online; and conservation and ethics—addressing the legal, ethical, and archival issues associated with the preservation and re-presentation of digital cultural materials.
With Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web, Ethnoflorence has initiated a serial reconstruction of the first generation of websites dedicated to Himalayan tribal arts, helping to fill a gap in their digital historiography. The project’s distinctive contribution lies in shifting the focus from the artifacts themselves to the platforms, actors, and publishing practices that mediated knowledge of them online, bringing together scattered records within a shared historical framework.
“Willd wild Himalaya” 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
The series aims to provide the first comprehensive and continuous account of the history of pioneering sites dedicated to Himalayan tribal arts
Ethnoflorence’s unique contribution isn’t about being the first to bring Himalayan tribal arts online, but about treating their early web presence as a subject worthy of historical reconstruction. Launched in 2024, the series “Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web” follows the evolution of websites, galleries, and specialized resources, exploring how they helped spread knowledge. While claiming to be the absolute “first” would require deeper bibliographic and archival research, the project’s originality lies in the body of work it has rebuilt, the sources it has verified, and the historical connections it has documented.
“Willd wild Himalaya” 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
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What are the main critical points of the Ethnoflorence research method used for the “Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web series”, and what corrective measures might be taken?
The main critical issue regarding our method lies not in the use of the web as a research field, but rather in the need for greater traceability linking surviving digital records, editorial interpretation, and claims concerning Himalayan objects and communities. While the series holds significant value as a reconstruction of early online artistic networks, our conclusions require varying levels of verification depending on whether they concern a website’s history, a collector’s testimony, an object’s provenance, or its ritual significance. We characterize the project as both a digital archive and an internet-based ethnography, explicitly acknowledging that it does not adhere to the “most rigorous academic protocols of ethnographic fieldwork.” What follows, therefore, is a critical assessment of the methodology applied to the published and examined material, rather than a report on an established external academic verdict regarding the series.
“Willd wild Himalaya” 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
A primary challenge in our approach lies in maintaining a clear and explicit distinction between archival history and ethnography. The series combines website reconstruction, photographic comparison, collector biographies, and narrative accounts with claims regarding participant observation and community formation. While these activities are potentially complementary, they do not yield the same type of evidence. A surviving gallery page can document what a dealer published; on its own, however, it cannot establish how the public interpreted it or how an online community actually interacted with it. Methodological descriptions often oscillate between these different levels without—as previously noted—making the transition from one evidentiary plane to the other sufficiently explicit. To address this and avoid potential pitfalls, we consistently distinguish retrospective research on web archives from contemporary participant observation, retrospective interviews, and object-based research. We identify the evidence supporting every claim regarding interaction—whether derived from forum exchanges, correspondence, interviews, linking practices, or observation notes.
“Willd wild Himalaya” 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
The published issues devote considerable attention to dealers, collectors, galleries, auction houses, and specialized platforms. While this approach is appropriate for studying the international circulation of Himalayan art, it cannot—obviously or automatically—represent the full spectrum of cultural knowledge or forms of engagement associated with this field. Furthermore, the series’ narrative relies necessarily on websites and images that are actually retrievable; without an explicit description of the missing material, the surviving documentation may appear more representative than it truly is. Consequently, as the series progresses, the data will be supplemented; in addition to an inventory of the included sites, a list of those excluded or unretrievable will be published, detailing the selection criteria. The distinctions between commercial, institutional, academic, collector-run, and community-run platforms will be reinforced and highlighted. All this aims to validate a broader scope of research than one limited solely to “early web networks selected based on their role in the international circulation of Himalayan art.”
Willd wild Himalaya 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
A celebratory narrative risks diminishing critical detachment; consequently, corrective measures adopted or planned for the editing of previously published critical texts include attributing claims regarding reputation and authenticity (e.g., “the gallery described,” “the catalogue attributed,” or “the collector recalled”), distinguishing between quotations and self-descriptions by participants versus editorial analysis, examining commercial incentives alongside scholarly or academic contributions, and disclosing any relevant relationships, permission agreements, or financial interests, where applicable.
The crucial issue is not whether art dealers can contribute knowledge—they are clearly part of the documented network—but rather how their claims are corroborated and how market interests shape their presentation.
Repeated publication should not be confused with independent confirmation. An effective technique in the field of provenance research involves tracking the presence of the same mask across print publications, websites, exhibitions, and collections. In the issue dedicated to Freschi, for example, the trajectory of a mask is traced from a 1992 exhibition flyer to subsequent online appearances, a 2007 book, and a 2024 magazine article. While this allows for the reconstruction of a useful publication timeline, it does not, on its own, verify the object’s origin, creators, ritual use, date of creation, or the circumstances of its removal. Accordingly, in our digital archive, we maintain separate records for publication history, ownership, cultural attribution, and legal or export documentation; we seek to verify whether subsequent sources independently investigated an attribution or merely repeated an earlier one; we use clear labels such as “documented,” “owner-declared,” “stylistically attributed,” “disputed,” and “unknown”; and we preserve competing identifications rather than silently replacing them. This distinction is crucial for masks whose commercial history is well documented compared to their history within their communities of origin.
As previously mentioned, claims regarding ritual significance require a different evidentiary basis than claims concerning online circulation. For instance, the websites analyzed sometimes describe the masks using terms such as “tribal,” “animistic,” or “shamanic,” alongside regional or ethnic attributions. The debate surrounding terminology and the challenges of classification is also acknowledged. Nevertheless, an initial online label remains evidence of a historical classification, not necessarily a verified identification of the object’s ritual function or community affiliation. In this regard, it is best to retain the original terminology as a dated citation, distinguishing it from the analytical vocabulary currently adopted by the project. Distinguish visual resemblance from documented cultural attribution. Where possible and appropriate, seek the input of regional scholars, artisans, performers, ritual specialists, and custodians. Document names in the local language, contextual variations, differences of opinion, and uncertainties. The fundamental distinction lies between researching how Himalayan masks are represented online and determining the significance these masks held in specific ritual contexts. The former can provide useful insights for the latter but cannot replace it.
Ethnoflorence fosters an open, participatory culture that connects collectors, scholars, dealers, and enthusiasts; the mechanisms by which source communities influence the interpretation, access, or correction of published data must be transparent regarding the roles played by international art world stakeholders. In this regard, we clearly identify contributors and acknowledge that many contributions are pre-agreed upon and always subject to correction. Participation gains greater methodological robustness when collaborators can shape the archive’s categories and interpretations, rather than merely providing additional material.
In summary, to address potential issues in the future, it will be necessary to publish a methodological charter outlining the scope, selection criteria, the researcher’s position, types of evidence, and ethical procedures. This should be accompanied by an evidence log—structured by individual claim—linking every significant assertion to its source, date, degree of independence, level of uncertainty, and revision history. Furthermore, a pluralistic review process is required, integrating expertise in web history, specific knowledge regarding the objects and their provenance, and the perspectives of the Himalayan community and scholars in the field.
These measures aim to reinforce the project’s distinctive strengths—the recovery of dispersed material, the linking of paper and digital documents, and the tracking of objects across various publications—while simultaneously making interpretations more reproducible and open to challenge. These strengths are clearly evident in the detailed reconstructions of websites and the recurring images of masks featured in the series.
Strengthening appropriate corrective measures will not, therefore, entail abandoning the hybrid method we have adopted; their rigorous application will eliminate potential methodological issues, avoiding the confusion of four distinct elements: the digital trace, participant testimony, independently corroborated data, and editorial interpretation.
“Willd wild Himalaya” 2026’s New England Us exhibition curated by Ethnoflorence
After 40 years, Galerie Le Toit du Monde is set to close soon. The collections are being sold through Cabinet Portier & Associés, in association with Giquello. The event, titled “François Pannier Collection / Le Toit du Monde Gallery,” will take place on October 30, 2026, at Drouot in Paris.
vendredi 30 octobre 2026 14:00
Salle 2 – Hôtel Drouot , 9, rue Drouot 75009 Paris
Expositions: Mercredi 28 octobre de 11h à 18h / Jeudi 29 octobre de 11h à 20h / Vendredi 30 octobre de 11h à 12h
Téléphone pendant l’exposition + 33 (0)1 48 00 20 02
Francois Pannier, one of the protagonists in the construction of the Himalayan art market since 1984 and one of the pioneers of the early web since 2004 with his iconic website, has over the decades organized symposiums, curated private and public exhibitions and catalogues, is the creator, editor and co-author of the ‘serial’ publication of the “Lettres du Toit du Monde” which has had worldwide online diffusion with the advent of the web, is still active in the field of exhibitions and cultural diffusion through his historic website Arch.
Further details regarding the auction will be published in the coming days.
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EDITOR ANSWERS
“Editor’s Answers” is an Ethnoflorence editorial series where US-based curator and editor Gian Marco Matteuzzi shares brief replies to readers’ questions about the site’s digital ethnography projects, archives, and the ongoing “Epic of the Web” series. It debuted in October 2025.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
How does Ethnoflorence conduct provenance research?
Ethnoflorence approaches provenance research as a blend of documentary, archival, and ethnographic work, tracing an object’s journey from Himalayan or tribal origins through dealers, auctions, exhibitions, and private collections. What sets it apart is its mix of traditional art-historical documentation with digital preservation and interactive web-based ethnography.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
Ethnoflorence traces objects by cross-referencing: Digitized exhibition and auction catalogs, auction descriptions and sale records; historical photographs and photographic archives; dealer histories and collectors’ notes; inventory and donor data gathered over more than three decades.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
The goal is to confirm ownership and previous sales using preserved catalog entries, while placing each item within the broader social and historical networks through which it moved.
Digital preservation relies on durable, open-access formats—PDF/A, TIFF, CSV, XML, and WARC—to safeguard catalogs, photographs, donor records, and inventory data. This approach makes Ethnoflorence’s archive not only a valuable research tool but also a defense against the fleeting nature of early web sources, particularly platforms active between 1994 and 2008.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
Ethnoflorence does not reduce provenance to a chain of ownership. It integrates iconographic analysis, fieldwork, collector testimony, and ethnographic commentary to understand how objects moved from regional ritual contexts into global collecting networks.
The “graphic ethnography” method uses grids, sequences, and layered layouts to compare related masks and ritual objects rather than focusing on single masterpieces. This allows provenance to be examined alongside typology, regional variations, and the history of collecting.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
In short, for Himalayan masks, Ethnoflorence’s method often builds a detailed timeline linking their debut in exhibitions or auction catalogs with photographic evidence, catalog descriptions, and insights from dealers, collectors, or donors. This is followed by digital documentation and scholarly commentary, creating a richer provenance story than just listing owners, and connecting the mask’s material history to wider histories of markets, collectors, exhibitions, and online knowledge exchange.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
What constitutes the originality of the Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web series by Ethnoflorence?
Ethnoflorence’s “Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web” series stands out for its originality, flipping the conventional perspective: rather than directly analyzing Himalayan masks or artifacts, it explores the digital history of their dissemination, recognition, and sale during the early days of the web (roughly 1994–2008). In doing so, it sits at the intersection of art history, web ethnography, media archaeology, and provenance studies.
A distinctive feature is the first systematic mapping of the role played by pioneering websites in the dissemination of Himalayan tribal art, with particular attention paid to the pre-social media era. Web sources are treated as a historical archive: screenshots, site maps, links, digitized texts, and traces of networks become genuine documentary materials. The biographical-relational approach to objects traces the “social life” of images and artifacts across online galleries, forums, and digital archives, linking iconography, provenance, and market circulation. The focus lies on masks and ritual objects—a field where early digital documentation had a significant impact, especially given that these materials were often scarce in traditional academic literature. The publication follows a serial format: rather than a single, self-contained essay, each issue is a monograph dedicated to a specific platform, a group of websites, or a seminal text.
The originality of the series launched in 2024 lies not merely in having “chronicled the web,” but in identifying a historiographical gap: the shift from specialized, private, print-based knowledge to an open—yet commercial—digital network, a transition rarely studied previously as a distinct cultural process. The series interprets this shift as a foundational phase during which visual canons, networks of authority, authentication practices, and global markets took shape simultaneously. Our approach entails a potential methodological challenge: when treating websites—often created by dealers and collectors—as primary sources, it is essential to rigorously distinguish between documentation, promotion, and the construction of market value. While the series implicitly acknowledges this, its greatest future development and value will lie in a critical examination of the role played by commercial platforms in defining what has been made visible as “Himalayan tribal art.”
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Issue XXIII
“Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” by Eric Chazot, published in Orientations, Vol. 24, No. 9 (September 1993)
The article was featured in the September 1993 issue of Orientations, alongside Ian Alsop’s “The Masks of the Newars,” making it a particularly handy paired reference for telling apart Newar ritual mask traditions from the broader Himalayan “tribal” production.
“The Heights of Himalayan Art – The Liliane & Michel Durand-Dessert Collection”
Auction results
The reported hammer prices do not include commissions:
Lot 1: Euro 2400 – Lot 2: Euro 2800 – Lot 3: Euro 4800 – Lot 4: Euro 1900 – Lot 5: Euro 800 – Lot 6: Euro 1100 – Lot 10: Euro 1600 – Lot 11: Euro 2500 – Lot 13: Euro 2500 – Lot 15: Euro 3700 – Lot 16: Euro 2600 – Lot 17: Euro 3000 – Lot 18: Euro 3600 – Lot 19: Euro 6500 – Lot 21: Euro 3000 – Lot 22: Euro 2500 – Lot 23: Euro 1450 – Lot 25: Euro 4000 – Lot 26: Euro 1200; Lot 27: Euro 3000 – Lot 28: Euro 1900 – Lot 30: Euro 4000 – Lot 33: Euro 2600 – Lot 35: Euro 950 – Lot 37: Euro 4100 – Lot 38: Euro 1900 – Lot 39: Euro 1800 – Lot 40: Euro 1800 – Lot 41: Euro 2000 – Lot 42: Euro 4200 – Lot 43: Euro 1900 – Lot 44: Euro 1850 – Lot 47: Euro 10000 – Lot 48: Euro 850 – Lot 49: Euro 2300 – Lot 50: Euro 2600 – Lot 51: Euro 1500 – Lot 55: Euro 4000 – Lot 56: Euro 2000 – Lot 57: Euro 1600 – Lot 58: Euro 1450 – Lot 59: Euro 4600 – Lot 63: 700 – Lot 64: Euro 500 – Lot 66: Euro 900 – Lot 67: Euro 1000 – Lot 68: Euro 3200 – Lot 69: 4200 – Lot 60: Euro 1100 – Lot 71: Euro 1500 – Lot 72: Euro 1200 – Lot 73: Euro 1500 – Lot 74: 1800 – Lot 75: Euro 2000 – Lot 76: Euro 1000 – Lot 77: Euro 1600 – Lot 78: Euro 1500 – Lot 79: Euro 3200 – Lot 80: Euro 3200 – Lot 82: Euro 1100 – Lot 83: Euro 1000 – Lot 86: Euro 3600 – Lot 87: Euro 2000 – Lot 88: Euro 1450 – Lot 90: Euro 1500 – Lot 91: Euro 2000 -Lot 94: Euro 1900 – Lot 95: Euro 1800 – Lot 96: Euro 1100 – Lot 99: Euro 1500 – Lot 100: Euro 2100 – Lot 101: Euro 1800 – Lot 102: Euro: 2100 – Lot 103: 2500 – Lot 104: Euro 3000 – Lot 105: Euro 1500 – Lot 106: Euro 2500 – Lot 107: Euro 1500 – Lot 108: Euro 1800 – Lot 109: Euro 2750 – Lot 110: Euro 1500 – Lot 111: Euro 1600 – Lot 112: Euro 1600 – Lot 113: Euro 3000 – Lot 114: Euro 2600 – Lot 115: Euro 2800 – Lot 116: Euro 1200 – Lot 117: Euro 1100 – Lot 118: Euro 1800 – Lot 120: Euro 2800 – Lot 121: Euro 3200 – Lot 123: Lot 5000 – Lot 124: Euro 2600 – Lot 125: Euro 2900 – Lot 126: Euro 4900 – Lot 125: Euro 2900 – Lot 126: Euro 4900 – Lot 128: Euro 5000 – Lot 129: 3200 – Lot 130: Euro 4200 – Lot 131: Euro 3000 – Lot 132: Euro 1350 – Lot 133: Euro 4900 – Lot 134: Euro 3800 – Lot 135: Euro 1800 – Lot 136: Euro 2400 – Lot 137: Euro 4000 – Lot 138: Euro 1800 – Lot 139: Euro 4700 – Lot 140: Euro 5500 – Lot 141: Euro 4500 – Lot 142: Euro 3000 – Lot 143: Euro 3000 – Lot 144: Euro 2600 – Lot 145: Euro 1900 – Lot 146: Euro 2500 -Lot 147: Euro 1500 – Lot 148: 5500 – Lot 149: 13500 – Lot 150: 3950 – Lot 151: 17000 – Lot 152: 3250 – Lot 153: Euro 1300 – Lot 156: Euro 1300 – Lot 157: Euro 3500 – Lot 158: Euro 1500 – Lot 159: Euro 3800.
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Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Part XXIII
“Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” by Eric Chazot, published in Orientations, Vol. 24, No. 9 (September 1993)
The article was featured in the September 1993 issue of Orientations, alongside Ian Alsop’s “The Masks of the Newars,” making it a particularly handy paired reference for telling apart Newar ritual mask traditions from the broader Himalayan “tribal” production.
COMING SOON
Himalayan Tribal Arts: The Epic of the Web is an ongoing editorial and digital-ethnography series launched in 2024 by Ethnoflorence, that explores, for the first time, how the early web (around 1994–2008) influenced the global study, market, and visibility of Himalayan and tribal arts—including masks—before the advent of social media. The series is a retrospective web-ethnography project that treats early specialist sites as primary sources and maps their content, networks, and influence. From a methodologically point of view the series creates individual monographs focused on specific platforms or clusters (e.g., HAR, TribalArts.com, Himalaya Mercantile, Tribalmania), often featuring screenshots, site maps, and commentary on how each site shared images, text, and market information. In short, it investigates the role these sites played in creating an early online discipline, connecting dealers, scholars, and collectors into a shared information network.
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Editor Answers
Ethnoflorence’s “Editor’s Answers,” curated by Gian Marco Matteuzzi, is a series that tackles readers’ questions about the Epic of the Web project, digital ethnography, early online archives, and the preservation of Himalayan and tribal art records. The series was launched in October 2025.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence / Ethnoflorence Photo Archives Collection
What makes the Ethnoflorence method innovative?
Ethnoflorence stands out with a hybrid approach that blends several complementary elements into a single, cohesive research setting.
Digital-first, web-native ethnography takes a fresh approach by not relying solely on in-person fieldwork, we consider the early web, especially platforms from 1994–2008, as both a source and an object of study. Through retrospective digital ethnography, we explore how online communities influenced the global spread and appreciation of Himalayan tribal arts.
Participatory archiving and open access create dynamic, multi-format archives (PDF/A, TIFF, CSV, XML, WARC) that are built for interoperability and long-term preservation, making them far more robust than traditional field notebooks or static databases.
Provenance research is seamlessly integrated into ethnography, not handled as a separate curatorial task. It becomes part of the ethnographic process, connecting objects, images, stories, and market histories within a unified environment.
The project features ongoing editorial series, such as “The Epic of the Web,” to share findings through digital storytelling, combining scholarly documentation with engaging and accessible narrative styles.
Mixed-methods synthesis brings together ethnography, digital humanities, museum documentation practices, and art-historical provenance research, forming a multidisciplinary pipeline that transforms field and web data into curated knowledge.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence / Ethnoflorence Photo Archives Collection
How does it differ from traditional approaches?
Traditional Himalayan art ethnography often centers on immersive fieldwork, object connoisseurship, and museum-based cataloging. Ethnoflorence does not discard these but reframes them: field documentation is complemented (and sometimes extended retrospectively) by web ethnography; archival outputs are designed for reuse and linkage; and publication is continuous and participatory rather than episodic. Its innovation comes less from any single technique and more from the way it all comes together—transforming ethnography into a dynamic, digital-archival, and editorial ecosystem that captures both material culture and the online networks that increasingly shape its study and market.
Photo & Composition by Ethnoflorence / Ethnoflorence Photo Archives Collection
Among the past exhibitions featuring some artefacts from the upcoming Millon auction “The Heights of Himalayan Art – The Liliane & Michel Durand-Dessert Collection,” one of the most notable is “Masques Art chamanique Népalais Ghurra du Népal,” organized by Galerie Le Toit Du Monde at Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, in 2007.
Its review, published in 2009 by Ethnoflorence courtesy and in collaboration with Sanza Francois Bruxelles, has been updated in the current 2026’s issue.
In 2007 the Galerie Le Toit du Monde webpage hosted the news of the exhibition “MASQUES et ARTS TRIBAUX DE L’HIMALAYA”, organized by Francois Pannier in Paris at the exhibition hall du Vieux Colombier of the town hall of the VI arrondissement, in place Saint-Sulpice (accompanied by the publication of three catalogues).
It is worht to note that this exhibition was the first of this kind documented on the web in this field by the emerging website “ARTS PREMIERS – primitive ART primitif” by Francois Boulanger / Sanza in December 2007, Boulanger was the passionate collector and author who directly inspired and encouraged us to start the editorial venture of Ethnoflorence in the following early months of 2008.
It is important to remember that Tribalmania, founded by Michael Auliso in 2001, was a pioneering online platform dedicated to tribal art, combining commerce with education and community engagement, and that one of its most significant contributions online since 2003 was for the first time the detailed documentation and review of tribal art fairs, shows, and events, which played a crucial role in informing and connecting collectors, dealers, and enthusiasts during the early years of the internet. The work of Sanza / Francois was part of the same trend, developing it in a personal way that would lead it to become the most complete and well-known documentary website of the following years, reaching more than a million hits.
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Also worth mentioning is the upcoming “Arts de l’Himalaya auction” including the sale of the François Pannier collection (from the Le Toit du Monde gallery) alongside several private collections.
Friday 30 October 2026 2.00pm Room 2 – Hôtel Drouot, 9, rue Drouot 75009 Paris
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Dhyangro shamam’s Jhankri drum
Photo Renzo Freschi / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Renzo Freschi
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Photo Renzo Freschi / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo courtesy of Sanza Francois Bruxelles
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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RITUAL DAGGERS PHURBU & DHYANGRO HANDLES
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Noteworthy among the pieces exhibited by Pannier it was the bronze, with an articulated copper tongue, representing the great primordial shaman MAHADÉO.
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
The image of this iconic metal figure reproduced in 2004 on the Galerie le Toit du Monde website was simultaneously published full page on tribal art in Europe Guide 2004, 5 Continents editions.
Excerpt from the Chamanisme webpage of the Galerie Le Toit Du Monde 2004 & Tribal Art in Europe Guide 2004, 5 Continents editions. / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
The Galerie Le Toit Du Monde webpage dedicated to Himalayan shamanism published in its 2004 version 10 objects that represented its expression at a high artistic quality level.
Excerpt from the Chamanisme webpage of the Galerie Le Toit Du Monde 2004
Some of these materials, such as for example the “Tabouret de Chaman”, currently in the collection of the Cannes Museum, represented a particular type of rare artefact that was little known at the time, compared to the profusion of similar materials that had appeared on the market and on the web in the last decade.
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Archaic Wooden Figure and Masks of Western Nepal
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
Provenance: Former Joaquín Pecci Collection, Brussels.
Photo credit of Joaquin Pecci Tribal Art / web flyer Kaos Edition 2007
Publications: Valerio Sestini: Himalaya. Architettura e ambiente nelle valli del Nepal, Alinea Editrice, January 1, 2006. One of the publications by the late Valerio Sestini— professor of architecture and one of the world’s leading experts on Himalayan art.
Extract from Valerio Sestini: Himalaya. Architettura e ambiente nelle valli del Nepal, Alinea Editrice / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, nos. 110–111 / Tribal Arts – Winter/Spring 1999/2000 – Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas by Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami, pp. 62–79; Ethnoflorence – Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series no. XXII, July 24, 2026.
Cchapru temple: Photo Jean Pierre Girolami 1994 Excerpt from Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas by Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami -Tribal Arts com. – 2000.
Exhibition’s Catalog’s Renaux Vanuxem Gallery, “Archaic Sculpture of Western Nepal,” p. 13. Exhibition: Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier; Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza; Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
Provenance: Former Marie-Christine Daffos / Jean-Luc Estournel; Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert. Publication: Masques de l’Himalaya, Findakly Éditions / Galerie Le Toit du Monde, Paris, 2007, no. 75, p. 117. Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Volume I, no. 63. Exhibition: City Hall of the 6th arrondissement, Paris, 2007. Museum of Asian Arts, Toulon, April–August 2008.
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
Provenance: Former Joaquín Pecci Collection Publication: Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, nos. 108/109. Exhibition: Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier; Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
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Lot 20 identified as a “Pair of standing statues”.
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
Publications: Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, pp. 84–85, reproduction size 1/1; Galerie Kanaga, Couples et Janus, Paris, December 2004, p. 49, pl. 34. Exhibition: Galerie Kanaga, Paris, December 2004; Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier. Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza / Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
provided the occasion to reissue a photographic record of the 2010–2011 Durand-Dessert exhibition by Sam Singer and Sanza Francois—originally published by Ethnoflorence September 29, 2010 —featuring reproductions of various images of the lots on offer.
Masques Arts Tribaux & Chamaniques de l’Himalaya at Espace Durand Dessert. The gallery’s website announced the event via a dedicated portal designed by Frederic Rond and launched in 2010.
Excerpt from main page of the Espace Durand – Dessert web page – 2010
Alongside their work in the field of contemporary art, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert had over the years assembled a collection of primitive art; an initial selection was presented at the Grenoble Museum in 2004 during a major retrospective of their careers, while the section dedicated to African art was exhibited at the Hôtel de la Monnaie in Paris in 2008. In 2010, the portion of the collection dedicated to the Himalayan region was presented at their premises on Rue de Lappe—a space that had previously hosted works by many renowned figures of contemporary art. The collection was distinguished by its exceptional quality and variety, offering the public something unique within France and Europe. The exhibition was enriched by loans from private French and European collections, particularly regarding shamanic objects and textiles. Four photographic series—including Jean Mansion’s “The Tibet,” on loan from the Musée Guimet—helped place the works within their original context (Jean Mansion Amarnath; Le Tibet de Jean Mansion; Chamanes Tamang Du Nepal Et Pelerinage de Kalingchok by Renzo Freschi).
Conceived following the “Himalayan Masks” exhibition in Martigny (Switzerland), the show was supported by Bernard and Caroline de Watteville and their foundation, with the aim of highlighting Himalayan art.
Masques Arts Tribaux & Chamaniques de L’Himalaya Collection Durand Dessert
September 29, 2010 Edition– Updated August 9, 2026
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Also worth mentioning is the upcoming “Arts de l’Himalaya auction” including the sale of the François Pannier collection (from the Le Toit du Monde gallery) alongside several private collections.
Friday 30 October 2026 2.00pm Room 2 – Hôtel Drouot, 9, rue Drouot 75009 Paris
Provenance: Former Joaquín Pecci Collection Publication: Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, nos. 108/109
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 -Photo Francois Sanza
Exhibition: Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier; Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
A serene figure sitting cross-legged with hands joined in a graceful namaste posture.
Photo credit of Sam Singer
Publication Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2011, Vol. II, No. 93. / Jean-Luc Cortès and Jean-Claude Brézillon, La Statuaire primitive de l’ouest du Népal, Héritage Architectural, Paris, 2011, p. 129. Exhibition: Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
Provenance: Former Joaquín Pecci Collection, Brussels
Photo credit of Joaquin Pecci Tribal Art / web flyer Kaos Edition 2007
Publications: Valerio Sestini: Himalaya. Architettura e ambiente nelle valli del Nepal, Alinea Editrice, January 1, 2006. One of the publications by the late Valerio Sestini— professor of architecture and one of the world’s leading experts on Himalayan art.
Extract from Valerio Sestini: Himalaya. Architettura e ambiente nelle valli del Nepal, Alinea Editrice
Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, nos. 110–111 / Tribal Arts – Winter/Spring 1999/2000 – Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas by Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami, pp. 62–79; Ethnoflorence – Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series no. XXII, July 24, 2026.
Cchapru temple: Photo Jean Pierre Girolami 1994 Excerpt from Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas by Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami -Tribal Arts com. – 2000.
Exhibition’s Catalog’s Renaux Vanuxem Gallery, “Archaic Sculpture of Western Nepal,” p. 13.
Exhibition: Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier.
Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier 2007’s exhibition – Photo credit of Sanza Francois
Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
Publications: Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, pp. 84–85, reproduction size 1/1; Galerie Kanaga, Couples et Janus, Paris, December 2004, p. 49, pl. 34.
Photo Sam Singer – Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
Exhibition: Galerie Kanaga, Paris, December 2004; Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier, Paris, December 2007 by François Pannier
Photo Sanza Francois
Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
Provenance : Formerly in the collection of François Pannier, Paris. Publication: Masques de l’Himalaya, Findakly Éditions – Galerie Le Toit du Monde, Paris, 2007 – no. 68, p. 111. Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Vol. I, no. 16. Exhibition: City Hall of the 6th arrondissement, Paris, 2007. Museum of Asian Arts, Toulon, April–August 2008; Espace Durand-Dessert, Paris, September 4, 2010–July 31, 2011.
Publication: Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert – Eric Chazot, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2011, Vol. II, No. 3. Exhibition: Espace Durand-Dessert, September 4, 2010, to July 31, 2011.
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Photo Sam Singer
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Photo Sam Singer – Photo composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
Photo of Sam Singer – Photo Composition of Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
Photo Sanza Francois – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Photo Renzo Freschi – Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
PHOTO COURTESY OF MR SAM SINGER & SANZA FRANCOIS Bruxelles
The exhibition “Masks: Tribal and Shamanic Arts of the Himalayas” was held at the Espace Liliane & Michel Durand-Dessert, 28 Rue de Lappe, Paris 11th, from September 2010 to January 2011. It brought together works from the Durand-Dessert, de Watteville, Rouvere, and Pannier collections. The presentation focused on Himalayan masks within their ritual, tribal, and shamanic contexts, rather than on an exclusively Buddhist or classical Tibetan interpretation.
Installation views and photographs of the exhibition were taken by Laurent Schneiter, Sam Singer, Sanza François, and Yannick Le Goff.
UPCOMING AUCTIONS
Millon’s sale, “The Heights of Himalayan Art — The Liliane & Michel Durand-Dessert Collection,” will take place on Monday, 21 September 2026, at 14:00 CEST, live in Salle 4 at Hôtel Drouot in Paris. It is cataloged as Millon sale 4236.
Millon describes the Durand-Dessert collection as one built with a keen eye for aesthetic quality, solid provenance, a clear sense of cohesion, and pieces that have appeared in major exhibitions. Put together by Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert—well-known Parisian gallerists since the 1980s—it has never before been fully unveiled to the public.
Previous provenances listed in the published lot records include, among others, Jean-Luc Cortès, Éric Chazot, Christian Lequindre in Paris, Stéphane Mangin, Galerie Alain Bovis in Paris, Galerie Joaquin Pecci, and Dalton Somaré Gallery in Milan.
Beyond the numerous ritual masks, the published lot list for sale 4236 includes a substantial group of Himalayan wood sculpture, shamanic figures, temple furnishings, and utilitarian ritual objects—with a particularly strong Nepalese/Himachali vernacular and dhami-shamanic character. The currently indexed list runs through lot 73.
Sculptures and ritual figures Bodhisattva relief mask, lot 8; a mask-covered head, lot 10; and a wood bust in “silent prayer,” lot 11.
Diki Janus figure, lot 17; paired standing figures, lot 20; a votive regal figure, lot 21; ancestral bust, lot 22; and a namaste figure, lot 23.
Guardian figures: a crouching guardian (lot 24), a pair of guardians (lot 27), a seated guardian (lot 29), and temple guardians in two distinct types—one “proud,” one in a sepoy-like posture (lots 53–54).
Dhami and shaman effigies are a central group: a female deity or figure of Dhamini (lot 25), a dhami effigy (lot 26), a great two-horned shaman (lot 30), a crouching shaman (lot 35), a seated Dhami in namaste (lot 38), further Dhami effigies (lots 39 and 48), and another seated Dhami (lot 58).
Other figural carvings include a four-armed seated figure in padmāsana (lot 36), figures in namaste (lots 37 and 45), a kneeling worshipper (lot 40), an ancestral couple (lot 46), and an important statue described as depicting a—currently truncated in the public listing—specific subject (lot 47).
Equestrian and architectural works The sale includes several horse-and-rider images: an equestrian figure, lot 41; a rider on his mount, lot 59; two more equestrian figures, lots 60–61; and a shaman on horseback, lot 62.
Architectural or temple-related works include a rare pillar with two Janus figures, lot 52, as well as the temple guardians noted above.
Domestic and ritual implements Lots 49 and 51 are identified as ghurra/neti butter churns, while lot 50 is a carved butter-churn handle—objects whose inclusion is notable because they preserve the collection’s attention to the interface of domestic material culture, carving, and ritual life.
Masks remain dominant The sequence is especially rich in masks: Bhairava, Lakhé, Rakshasa, ape-like and Janus masks, Masta guardian masks, deer-antler masks, and numerous character/guardian masks. Published examples include a crowned Bhairava (lot 3), a Lakhé mask (lot 7), Rakshasa masks (lots 15 and 19), a Masta guardian mask (lot 34), and a deer-antler mask (lot 69).
This issue reproduces the content of a dedicated b/w photographic exhibition based on the 2010 show—originally published by Ethnoflorence in 2012—featuring artistic reproductions of some of the lots included in the upcoming Millon auction scheduled for September 2026.
Also worth mentioning is the upcoming “Arts de l’Himalaya auction” including the sale of the François Pannier collection (from the Le Toit du Monde gallery) alongside several private collections.
Friday 30 October 2026 2.00pm Room 2 – Hôtel Drouot, 9, rue Drouot 75009 Paris
(I) Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series No. XXII Art and Shamanism in the Himalaya 2000 & Himalaya Primitive and Antiques 2007 (II) Himalaya Land of the Masks Series: A photographic survey by Jean-Pierre Girolami of apotropaic masks—made of wood, terracotta, or modeled from cow dung or dried mud—found directly on house facades and doorposts in the Simikot district of Nepal’s Humla region
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Art and Shamanism in the Himalaya 2000 & Himalaya Primitive and Antiques 2007
Jhankri gathering. Photo JP Girolami extract from “Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas” Tribal Art magazine, issue no. 22 (Winter–Spring 1999–2000) Online edition on Tribal Arts com – 2000
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Ethnoflorence’s “The Epic of the Web” is an innovative research and original editorial series exploring for the first time how early internet platforms influenced the global landscape of Himalayan indigenous arts. The series, launched by Ethnoflorence in 2024, takes a step-by-step look at the pioneering role of early web platforms (around 1994–2008, before the advent of social media) in promoting and sharing Himalayan tribal arts; highlighting key sites like for example TribalArts.com, IndianHeritage.biz, AsianArts.com, Himalaya Mercantile and others, viewing them as important players in bringing specialist texts, catalogues, and image collections—once limited to print or private archives—into the digital realm. In detail this series serves as both a digital archive and an applied web ethnography, exploring how collectors, scholars, dealers, and communities used the early internet to share resources, exchange ideas, and create a global Himalayan art network. Rather than being a static database, it blends narrative commentary, contextual essays, and case-based documentation to follow processes over time—such as tracking provenance, studying iconography, and tracing the social life of images across early online forums and galleries. Across twenty-two published issues and additional “upcoming” entries, the series charts early websites (1996–2008) along with a later group of web platforms (2009–2011) that were still connected methodologically or historically to the first ones. The series chronicles the story of how early websites revolutionized access to Himalayan masks, ritual objects, and related scholarship by sharing field photos, catalogs, and expert essays with a global audience. This shift changed how research, collecting, and curating were done, and for the first time highlighted in a systematic way the move from a closed, print-based academic world to an open, participatory web culture. It fostered the rise of new online communities and paved the way for today’s digital humanities projects on indigenous and tribal arts. “The Epic of the Web” looks at the internet as both an archive and a cultural force, showing how online systems help shape ideas of expertise, ownership, and community in a niche art scene. Using the early Himalayan-arts web as a case study in web ethnography, it presents this space as a kind of lab where digital archiving, participant observation, and storytelling came together, offering a blueprint for similar research in other specialized online communities.
Upcoming: Tribal Art Information Service Paleobree.com; Detours des Mondes; Jaquin Pecci Tribal Art; Tribal Art Asia com; ; Primitive Art NL Karavanserai; ARTS PREMIERS – primitive ART primitif; Ethnoflorence Indian and Himalayan Folk and Tribal Arts; tmurraysarts. com; Espace Durand Dessert spacelmdd.com ; Nepal Tribal Art; Tischenko Gallery com. ; Tribal Sculpture from Western Nepal; Renaud Venuxem com;
“Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas” by Éric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami is a concise yet highly influential essay that appeared in Tribal Art magazine, issue no. 22 (Winter–Spring 1999–2000), reproduced online that same year. Between the late 1990s and the early 2000s, it played a significant role in shaping how Western collectors, dealers, and curators interpreted Himalayan tribal art in relation to its shamanic context. The essay underscored the strong link between these artistic expressions and shamanic traditions—highlighting an art form shaped by local beliefs rather than by classical Indo-Buddhist court styles—and demonstrated how indigenous shamanism coexists with Hindu and Buddhist influences within Himalayan communities. Its digital republication and online circulation amplified this interpretation far beyond the confines of the original issue of Tribal Art, establishing the essay as a foundational reference in the early online discourse surrounding Himalayan art. Chazot and Girolami presented the artistic traditions of Himalayan villages as deeply intertwined with ritual and shamanic practices; by employing the formula “art and shamanism” as a heuristic tool to bridge aesthetic form with spiritual function, the article effectively contributed for example to naturalizing the category of the “shaman masks’ within the art market and exhibition literature—even though anthropologists subsequently challenged this terminology, deeming it overly generalized and exoticizing.
Shaman’s mask. Photo B. Delorme – Extract from “Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas” Tribal Art magazine, issue no. 22 (Winter–Spring 1999–2000) Online edition on Tribal Arts com – 2000
Offline, the piece fed into catalogues, gallery shows, and private collections contributing to the “primitivist” and shamanism‑centric aesthetics then popular in European tribal‑art circles. The presence of the text on the web—in its initial stages, as previously discussed in other issues of this series—coincided with the rise of specialized websites and digital archives dedicated to Himalayan masks: contexts in which the images and captions by Chazot and Girolami were incorporated into the objects’ metadata and their accompanying narrative frameworks. Today, Ethnoflorence explicitly regards “Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas” as a foundational text, albeit one open to critical revision; in doing so, we highlight how Chazot subsequently distanced himself from the notion of Himalayan masks understood in a strictly “shamanic” sense—acknowledging that while Himalayan shamans do indeed participate in masked dances, no distinct category of “shamanic masks” exists that is intended exclusively for trance or divination.
Of particular interest in the article are reproduced several color photographs taken by Jean Pierre Girolami—one of the early pioneers in documenting the region’s lesser-known artistic traditions, particularly those linked with the archaic statuary of western Nepal—which helped raise awareness of both animistic and even shamanic traditions.
Photo credit of J.-P. Girolami – Excerpts from Tribal Arts com. – 2000.
Girolami’s passion for documentary photography played a particularly defining role in the early stages of his friendship with Eric Chazot. As a friend of Gérard Beaumont—the Honorary Consul of Nepal—Girolami was asked by the Consul to present a photographic montage of his material during a 1995 visit by the Nepalese Ambassador, Upprety. As Girolami recalls, “at the time, film was not yet widespread, and high-definition video did not yet exist”; consequently, he decided to create “video montages featuring cross-fades,” accompanied by “an audio-visual sequence documenting a shamanic gathering in Sailung.” Eric Chazot and his wife, Evelyne, were among the audience; that occasion marked the beginning of a deep and lasting friendship. Subsequently, Girolami also showed Chazot photographs from his earlier travels—specifically those around Lake Rara—some of which were later incorporated into the 2000 article currently under discussion, enriching it with color photographic materials—which were particularly rare to obtain at the time—and which effectively helped, for example, to contextualize the statuary categories outlined in the article regarding the “Guardians of Territory” and “Water Springs” of the Jumla, Dunai, Simikot, and Dang regions, classified into those situated “on the roofs of houses,” “in small temples,” “on bridges,” “on mountain passes, at crossroads,” or “at the confluences of two rivers”, etc.
It should be noted that black-and-white photographic materials were already known—specifically through Giuseppe Tucci’s 1956 Preliminary Report on Two Scientific Expeditions in Nepal, as well as the black-and-white photographs and silent films held in the specialized Fürer-Haimendorf Archive. The figure and the work of Haimendorf were particularly promoted on the early web by the website Digital Himalaya, a 2000’s pilot project to develop strategies for the collection, storage and digital distribution of multimedia anthropological information conceived by Professor Alan Macfarlane as a strategy to archive and make available online rare ethnographic materials from the Himalayan region, launched online in December 2000, in collaboration with Mark Turin, Sara Shneiderman and Sarah Harrison. In 2001 the website hosted five collections of material including the Williamson Photographic Collection, The Fürer-Haimendorf Film Collection, The Naga Videodisc, The Thak Archive, The Thangmi Archive. The work of Chazot and Girolami had the merit of systematizing this information and bringing it out of the narrow confines of academia. In this regard, Girolami’s colors photographs were, as previously mentioned, seminal in this process of democratizing knowledge, typical of the new digital era.
Girolami has frequently returned over the years to visit the shamanic gathering at Sailung, having helped establish an association in 1998–99 to assist two villages located a few hours’ walk from Sailung.
On the left Photo Valerio Sestini – graphic designs Paolo Sestini & Alessia Albergucci – On the right Photo Jean Pierre Girolami 1994 Excerpt from Tribal Arts com. – 2000
Regarding the Cchapru sanctuary near Lake Rara—an image of which was published in the 2000 Tribal Art’s article—Girolami notes and documents today, through his own unique photographic collection, a notable change from his first visits in the early 1990s, a time when the temple still housed objects with evident shamanic and archaic iconography, such as bells, ancient statues, and votive bronze figurines, forming a “unitary corpus” integrated with the shrine’s architecture, an exceptional and intact testimony of the local popular religious art (as also documented by Valerio Sestini in 1974).
Among the most interesting items in the temple during his 1994’s expedition was the equestrian figure that later entered the Durand-Desert collection (After the 2000’s Tribal Arts Magazine feature, the item was reproduced in the Joaquin Pecci Tribal Art web flyer for the 2007 Kaos Edition, and then exhibited in December of the same year at the Mairie du 6e – Salon du Vieux Colombier by François Pannier).
Photo credit of Joaquin Pecci Tribal Art / web flyer Kaos Edition 2007
Between September 2010 and April 2011, the artifact was displayed in the exhibition Masques Arts Tribaux & Chamaniques de l’Himalaya at Espace Durand Dessert. The gallery’s website announced the event via a dedicated portal designed by Frederic Rond and launched in 2010.
Excerpt from main page of the Espace Durand – Dessert web page – 2010
Alongside their work in the field of contemporary art, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert had over the years assembled a collection of primitive art; an initial selection was presented at the Grenoble Museum in 2004 during a major retrospective of their careers, while the section dedicated to African art was exhibited at the Hôtel de la Monnaie in Paris in 2008. In 2010, the portion of the collection dedicated to the Himalayan region was presented at their premises on Rue de Lappe—a space that had previously hosted works by many renowned figures of contemporary art. The collection was distinguished by its exceptional quality and variety, offering the public something unique within France and Europe. The exhibition was enriched by loans from private French and European collections, particularly regarding shamanic objects and textiles. Four photographic series—including Jean Mansion’s “The Tibet,” on loan from the Musée Guimet—helped place the works within their original context (Jean Mansion Amarnath; Le Tibet de Jean Mansion; Chamanes Tamang Du Nepal Et Pelerinage de Kalingchok by Renzo Freschi).
Conceived following the “Himalayan Masks” exhibition in Martigny (Switzerland), the show was supported by Bernard and Caroline de Watteville and their foundation, with the aim of highlighting Himalayan art.
1998
Revisiting the Chapru shrine in May 1998, Girolami recalls a curious and amusing anecdote: after reaching the site on foot from Simikot, he found it occupied by a sadhu traveling to Mount Kailash—someone who “got a bit agitated when he saw us arrive”—though fortunately, the presence of Krishna Tamang helped resolve the situation amicably. Returning to the subject of our research, what Jean-Pierre documented—in contrast to the initial 1994 discovery—was the “new presence of a concrete Shiva statue, created using the same principle as the clay statues built over branch frameworks.”
The statue of Shiva had taken the place of the horseman’s statue—which, though still present, had been relegated to a corner of the shrine—evoking an attitude of “« pousse-toi que je m’y mette ».
During the 2024’s visit to the site, Girolami—accompanied by the collectors Daniel Boudre and Luciano Lanfranchi, recalls today that “il n’y avait plus aucune iconographie chamanique dans le templion” and how “la structure interirure etait presque inchangée hormis le faut que le magnifique central qui comportit une sculpture du vase sacré boudhiste en son pied avait ete remplace par un pilier basique”, and that “une plaque gravée officialise désormais ce lieu comme site hindouiste”.
Cchapru temple, 2024 – Photo Credit of Daniel Boudre – on the left Cchapru temple, architectural drawing of Paolo Sestini & Alessia Albergucci
The Cchapru site overlooking the village of Rara, whose ruins were overgrown with vegetation: unknown author, undated picture. Courtesy of Jean-Pierre Girolami. As described by Girolami based on information gathered on-site, this photo predates the creation of the national park, since, following its establishment, the inhabitants were forced to abandon the site and relocate to the Térail region. (on the left) – Cchapru temple, 1998 – Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive (on the right).
(on the right) Cchapru temple, architectural drawing of Paolo Sestini & Alessia Albergucci – Photo Valerio Sestini, 1974 (on the left)
Finally, Girolami notes how “ce qui etait vraiment nouveau en 2024 c’est la presence d’une belle statue en bronze du bull Nandi en bas des escaliers d entrée”.
Provenance: Former Joaquín Pecci Collection, Brussels / Publications: Éric Chazot, Liliane and Michel Durand-Dessert, Himalayas – Art & Shamans, Paris, LMDD, 2009, Volume I, nos. 110–111. – Tribal Arts – Winter/Spring 1999/2000 – Art and Shamanism in the Himalayas by Eric Chazot and Jean-Pierre Girolami, pp. 62–79 – Exhibition catalog from the Renaux Vanuxem Gallery, “Archaic Sculpture of Western Nepal,” p. 13. Exhibition: City Hall of the 6th arrondissement, Paris, 2007.
Ccapru temple: Photo by Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive (On the left) Archaic figure from the Ccapru temple Photo credit Millon (On the Right) Photo credit of Millon. com
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Continuing with the themes addressed in the article from 2000, the 2024 expedition also focused on documenting the iconography of the archaic statues of protective deities found on rooftops houses belonging to lower-castes.
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive
In Girolami opinion although neither sculptural masterpieces nor particularly ancient, they continue to bear witness to a still-living cult.
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive: A significant protective figure for a village, still present in 2024 in an off-the-beaten-path location (Gamgadhi region, Mugu, Karnali).
Protective materials that do not appear to have specific names—except sometimes “Masta,” referring to the principal local deity—and are generally replaced at New Year, a time that varies according to religious practices.
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive: Protector of house (Gamgadhi region, Mugu) – 2024
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive: On the left Janus statue coated with a white mineral amalgam, local name “Seto mato” (region of Gamgadhi, Mugu, Karnali) – At the center stands a four-faced roof guardian, providing protection across the four cardinal directions (Gamgadhi region, Mugu, Karnali) – On the right: Protector of house (Gamgadhi region, Mugu) – 2024
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive: Protector of house (Gamgadhi region, Mugu) – 2024
From a typological perspective, Jean-Pierre distinguishes them into two main groups: statues made of raw wood and statues painted or repainted in often vivid colors; these colors often merely indicate recent touch-ups, although the statue itself may be quite old (in particular the protection figure of the bridges)
At the same time, Girolami continued to document the hanging masks of Humla—a distinctive feature of the villages in the Simikot district—where one can still see many masks made of wood or terracotta or even molded from cow dung or dried mud directly onto house facades, typically above the entrance door lintels, which we will discuss in a separate chapter dedicated to them later in this issue.
Girolami’s passion for the material culture of the Himalayan valleys stems from his upbringing in a village at the foot of the Pyrenees—a setting that “taught” him “respect for tools, manual labor, and family celebrations.”
Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive
The proximity of the Pyrenees further fueled his passion for the mountains, leading him “to venture onto Himalayan trails far off the beaten tourist path in order to immerse” himself “in the Nepal of forgotten villages”—an endeavor made possible, in part, by his encounter with Krishna Tamang.
Kumar Tamang, Jean Pierre Girolami and Krishna Tamang in Saylung (near Kalinchok) – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami – Reproduced in Frédéric Rond, Guidebook of Nepalese Masks, 2021.
As Girolami recalls, “This village life reminded me so much of the village of my own childhood—a place that has long since vanished. I immediately began acquiring my first objects. In short, that is how my rural upbringing in the 1950s and ’60s led me to develop a deep passion for Himalayan folk art.” Jean-Pierre, in particular, vividly remembers his very first purchase: a beautiful guide for a butter churn—an object he still treasures today—which, together with other similar items, inspired him to write a book (as yet unpublished) on the Ghurras.
It is important to note today the significance and relevance of the photographs by Girolami published in 2000 (as well as of his entire photographic archive of the Himalayas). His photographs, in addition to bearing witness to a local culture on the verge of extinction, were not mere illustrations; rather, they constituted part of a most vast early visual archive of objects and ritual archaic figures for which there was scant prior published documentation, whether in print or online.
In this sense, Girolami’s photographic work helped and help still today to frame—and shift—the focus away from mere “art objects” toward their ethnographic and ritual meanings, which become fully intelligible within the contexts of the published documentary images, that contextualized them, capturing the essence of western Nepal through a photo-archive approach that blended object photography, exhibition cataloguing, and iconographic comparison, with a keen focus on shamanic and animistic traditions.
Mugu district – November 2024 – Photo JP Girolami – Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami Photo Archive
Door frame with animist symbols. Nepal. Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
The 2000’s Tribal Art magazine feature is also an example of the very early synergy between print and digital publications and already said a foundational reference for Himalayan tribal art studies, especially regarding the intersection of artistic expression and shamanic practice in the region. The article is often cited in our research along with other seminal works on Himalayan masks and shamanic art of the early web era, such as Thomas Murray’s Demons and Deity Masks of the Himalayas and Mort Golub’s Transforming Masks / Masks of the Himalayas. Together, these articles marked a transition from print to digital publishing, greatly expanding global access to expert knowledge on Himalayan tribal arts.
1997
“Himalaya”
Girolami’s expeditions to Nepal led him, over the course of decades, to assemble a selection of materials emblematic of Himalayan material culture. His aim was to curate a high-quality selection capable of showcasing the expressive power and cultural significance of these artifacts, highlighting their capacity to convey a wide spectrum of emotions and to fulfill both protective and ritual functions within their respective communities—an art form, moreover, of an anonymous nature, produced outside the realm of formal artistic institutions and deeply rooted in local customs and beliefs.
Excerpts from “Himalaya” 1997’s catalogue
Girolami’s contribution during those pioneering years, alongside the photographic documentation activity, in “a period of great enthusiasm for Himalayan tribal art” led him to exhibit in 1997 his collection in the exhibition “Himalaya” and to author the related text for its catalogue—an event inviting visitors to discover the world of Himalayan arts as a “fascinating antidote to the insolent self-assurance of our own world, ever on the path of progress; a revealing mirror for our myopic eyes.” This perspective led him to characterize the “journey to the Himalaya…” as already mentioned above ” somewhat like a return to a primordial childhood—an escape, yet simultaneously a gateway opening onto an idealized world where time seems to slow down, and where lived experience takes on the splendor of eternity.”
Didier Pignon Cultural Director of Espace Odyssud was the creator and curator of the event; —a destination, the Espace, which remains a very active cultural center in the Greater Toulouse area to this day, though, unfortunately, they no longer organize exhibitions of tribal art. Along with the objects—some of which are reproduced in the catalogue—Girolami recalls that the exhibition was accompanied by a series of photographic prints documenting the shamanic gathering at Sailung, as well as several photos from the journey to Lake Rara.
In the catalogue, the author organizes the “Masques D’Himalaya” into a classic tripartite scheme of the time: “Masques De Monastères,” tied to Buddhist cults; “Masques des Tribus,” linked to animist practices; and “Masques Du Ramayana,” connected to Hindu traditions.
The narrative then moves on to the “Statues Primitives” chapter, which also follows a three-part division based on purpose: figures guarding bridges and springs; local deities protecting homes—sometimes placed on rooftops; and statues representing deceased ancestors, grouped in sacred spots such as river junctions, hilltops, caves, and similar sites. The following chapters focus on ritual phurbu daggers and shamanic drums, then move on to “Instruments de Musique,” and conclude with Ghurras in the chapter titled “De La Clé à Baratte (Ghurra ou Neth) à l’Oeuvre d’Art.”
Excerpts from “Himalaya” 1997’s catalogue
In summary, Girolami 1997’s catalogue and exhibition served not only to foster greater awareness of these animist traditions (situated within the context of Hindu and Buddhist influences), but also to help bring to light a form of Himalayan art that had previously been scarcely documented, thereby helping to bridge the gap between fieldwork and European exhibitions and publications—a synthesis notably exemplified by also his aforementioned collaboration with Eric Chazot for the 2000’s Tribal Art Magazine article.
The catalog, which is rather rare, had not been reproduced online.
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In the French context of early Himalayan indigenous arts, Girolami met François Pannier in the late 1980s, when Galerie Le Toit du Monde was “la seule galerie qui proposait de l’art tribal himalayen”, (online from 2004).
Extracts from Galerie Le Toit du Monde website / 2004
While in Kathmandu, Jean Pierre also met Francine Bourla, who showcased Himalayan objects in her Galerie du Scorpion, rue de la Huchette in Paris (online from the early 2010’s).
Extract from www galerie.scorpion.free.fr / circa 2013
In the years that followed, Girolami’s connection with Pannier led to collaborations on several editions of “Lettre du Toit du Monde” (LTDM issues #18, 25, 36, and 37), a series that has been regularly published online since 2013.
Extracts from “Lettre Du Toit Du Monde” #18, 25, 36, and 37 – Photo credit of François Pannier
In later years, Girolami co-authored a scientific article on Nepalese “fungus masks” titled “Nepalese Ethnomycology: Polypore Masks” with Guy Durrieu and Mashedh Humar Adhikari, published in the “Bulletin de la Société Mycologique de France” (130 (1-2), pp. 57-71, 2014). In the late 1990s, the Franco-Nepalese Cultural Association of Toulouse—founded by Girolami—was led by Guy Durrieu, a botany professor at Paul Sabatier University in Toulouse. Having studied the flora of Nepal, Durrieu, with the assistance of Jean Pierre, supervised the doctoral thesis of Dr. Kumar Mahesh Adhikari, who had observed the mushroom masks in Kathmandu several years earlier.
Over the years, Girolami’s field photographs have appeared in several major publications dedicated to the Indigenous Arts of the Himalayas.
Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami – Reproduced in La statuaire archaique de l’quest du Nepal. Paris: Galerie Renaud Vanuxem, 2006 Text by Marc Petit / photographs by Hughes Dubois & illustrations taken in-situ by Jean-Pierre Girolami.
Protection mask Simikot Humla district October 2014 – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami – Reproduced in Frédéric Rond, Guidebook of Nepalese Masks, 2021.
2003
Returning to the online contributions, in 2003, Jean-Pierre Girolami has been completing for a certain time the staff of the website “Africasia Primitive and Antiques. com”: ” Jean-Pierre Girolami is an enthusiastic collector of Himalayan art. As a seasoned traveler and photographer, he has explored the area for the past 20 years. He is mainly fascinated by the remote valleys of Western Nepal and the forgotten villages still practicing shamanic rites. He is co-author of a paper entitled Shamanic Art in the Himalayas published in Art Tribal Magazine”
Extracts from AfrcAsia Primitive and Antiques main webpage circa 2003
The link to the article published on TribalArt.com in 2000 was present on the website.
Extracts from AfrcAsia Primitive and Antiques main webpage circa 2003
2000
It is worth noting that this online gallery traces its origins to Galerie Orients-Extrêmes, founded online in 2000 by Jean-Claude and Marie Josée Mauléon.
Galerie Orients Extremes online banner on Trocadero website – 1999
Orients-Extrêmes was one of the most active online galleries in the field of Asian and tribal art during the early 2000s—hosted on the Trocadero platform—the gallery distinguished itself by featuring also archaic Nepalese masks, alongside other Himalayan artifacts.
Notably, in early 2001, it became the first website to present such objects within Trocadero’s “Himalaya” section—thereby contributing to the expansion of the inventory and the dissemination of knowledge regarding Himalayan art across the web.
Launched in 1998, Trocadero was one of the first structured online marketplaces to feature a dedicated “Himalayas” category, showcasing archaic Nepalese masks and related artifacts. In its early years, it highlighted pieces from galleries like Galerie Orient Extrêmes in 2000, Africasia Primitive in 2004, and later Himalaya Primitive in 2007
Extract from Trocadero website – circa 1998
2007
In 2007, Girolami launched the website “Himalaya Primitive,” dedicated primarily to primitive antiquities originating from the Himalayan regions, publishing a wide selection of high-quality primitive pieces—including masks, figures, tools, and shamanic objects—noting that, beyond the artistic value of these items, Girolami was deeply interested in the knowledge they convey regarding their usage and the life of the past, implying a cultural dissemination purpose also typical of other early web websites as already documented during our research.
“We have long been travelling in the very remote valleys of Himalaya looking at still-living archaic societies. During the first trips we were mostly interested in photographic reportage. Then we started being attracted by collecting antique pieces which are mute witnesses of a past of which we have so little information”
Himalaya Primitive and Antiques
Extract from Himalaya Primitive webpage on Trocadero online platform – 2008
The Himalaya Primitive website has always had a simple graphic style, more akin to an “antiques catalog” than a modern e-commerce site and with little variation over time, which made it today instantly recognizable and iconic. The look is archival, simple, and text-based, easily recognizable and geared toward object classification. It doesn’t aim for showmanship, but for credible content and ease of consultation, enhanced by detailed and qualitative photographs of the exhibited artifacts.
Extract from Himalaya Primitive webpage on Trocadero online platform – 2008
The website was and is more in detail laid out into main categories that showcase the core of indigenous Himalayan arts, including Himalayan Masks, Phurba, Himalayan Primitive Figures, Ghurras, Thangkas, Printing Blocks, Utensils, Architectural Elements, New Acquisitions, Bronze Sculptures, Himalayan Containers, and Shamanic Bronzes.
The extreme variety of the materials presented on the Himalaya Primitive website—beyond their undoubted selection and quality—has constituted, and continues to constitute, an undeniable contribution to the dissemination of knowledge regarding Himalayan Indigenous Art online
Jean Pierre Girolami’s pioneering work over the years has made him a prominent figure in the field. Ethnoflorence, grateful for his generous collaboration, wishes him the best in completing his editorial project on Nepalese Ghurra—so to add an important piece to our understanding of these fascinating objects, which hold clear aesthetic and artistic value.
Himalayan Tribal Arts the Epic of the Web Series
First phase of the web: the years between 1994 and 2008 (before the advent of the social networks)
Part XXIII
“Tribal Masks of the Himalayas” by Eric Chazot
published in Orientations, Vol. 24, No. 9 (September 1993)
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(II)
HIMALAYA LAND OF THE MASKS
“Himalaya: Land of Masks” refers to the rich and ancient tradition of making and wearing ritual masks, practiced throughout the Himalayan region, which includes Nepal, Tibet, parts of northern India and beyond, traditions that are deeply rooted in the history of this geographical area, which blend indigenous animist beliefs with Hindu and Buddhist influences to give rise to a unique iconographic syncretism.
The series is inserted in the ETHNOFLORENCE’s editorial initiative “Extracts from Our Photo Archives”, an evolving historical series launched online in 2008 and dedicated to the photographic documentation of folk and tribal arts, with a particular focus on Indian and Himalayan material culture. The project aims to offer visual and contextual insights into objects such as animistic masks, ritual artefacts and everyday utensils from the Himalayan region. The Ethnoflorence digital archive serves scholarly and preservation purposes, bridging the gap between fieldwork and museum collections, and is a valuable resource for researchers, students, and enthusiasts of Himalayan and Indian folk art.
A photographic survey by Jean-Pierre Girolami of apotropaic masks—made of wood, terracotta, or modeled from cow dung or dried mud—found directly on house facades and doorposts in the Simikot district of Nepal’s Humla region.
In the Humla region masks with an apotropaic function are documented hung on the facades of the houses – As discussed in previous Ethnoflorence posts, in this case, the outer patina of these masks might differ from the inner one, and the type of side holes might also differ from that of the specimens used in ritual dances.
We would like to recall preliminary how we have already previously discussed the context regarding the patina of these masks, as for example in the picture reproduced below the mask hung on the wall does not have the usual holes coinciding with the eyes – the holes to house the rope are placed at the top instead of sideways. These are no small considerations – if you see the mask on the picture on the center of the composition – isolated from its actual context – it can be said that it has the wrong holes – and perhaps a non-existent patina on the back – or very different from the front one (more exposed to atmospheric agents) – as observed by Eric Chazot with us in 2021 regarding in these images this could be useful “to explain intriguing patinas & abnormal places or shapes of the rope’s holes” in some materials.
Jean Pierre Girolami’s photography’s were taken in the Nhin Valley, between Simikot and Railing Gompa, highlights the unique iconography and materials used in the apotropaic, or protective, context under discussion. We touched on this topic back also in the March 27, 2011, issue, when we featured a photograph by Henri Bancaud showing grotesque human faces molded into the earthen walls of Stod-pa village in the Nymba area, likely intended to ward off the spirits of the dead, as also suggested by B. Goy in Wood Sculpture in Nepal: Jokers and Talismans (5 Continents edition).
The photo below shows a Buddhist mask hanging above the doorways, next to a mask carved directly into the wall, in the village of Thorpa (3,000 m), Nhin Valley
Thorpa Village, Nhin Valley -Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
The Buddhist mask described above features an iconographic style similar to that of another mask serving the same function in the same village.
Thorpa Village, Nhin Valley -Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
The iconography of these two Buddhist masks documented by Girolami must be considered in terms of both iconography and function in relation to the three masks—#101, 102, and 106—reproduced in the photograph below (from the Lawrence Hultberg archive late 80’s). Hultberg notes that “these three masks were not meant to be worn, but were placed at the entrance to a village, a home or a path as protective guardians,” recalling how his “old friend Lama Tarchin called them: Fierce Standing Guardian Protector of the Four Directions.”
Thorpa Village, Nhin Valley -Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami on the left / Fierce Standing Guardian Protectors: Photo credit of Lawrence Hultberg Photo Archive Collection on the right.
Fierce Standing Guardian Protectors: Photo credit of Lawrence Hultberg Photo Archive Collection / Photo Composition Ethnoflorence
The mask molded directly into the wall with an animistic character, characterized by rounded volumes interspersed with a prominent nose and chin.
Thorpa Village, Nhin Valley -Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
In Padmasambhava’s cave, there is a dried, red-painted clay mask that may represent the protective deity “Rato.” This cave is part of a small hermitage currently undergoing restoration, where Girolami met the carpenter-sculptor from the village of Hutik, located 1–2 km further along the road toward Limatang (Thorpa village, 3,000 m; Nhin Valley).
Mask carver and carpenter specializing in the restoration of local gompas with a mask that protects the door post (Hutik village, 3,200 m altitude, Nhin Valley).
Hutik village, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Flat Buddhist protective mask placed on the doorframe.
Hutik village, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Archaic masks made of clay and cow dung, sculpted directly onto the walls of the village of Limatang, at an altitude of 3,100 meters in the Nhin Valley. It should be considered in relation to similar protective materials documented by Bancaud.
Limatang, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Limatang, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Outdoor Wooden mask from the village of Limatang, located at an altitude of 3,000 meters in the Nhin Valley.
Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Dharmapala mask, dry cracked earth in the village of Bargaon, at 2,900 meters, in the Nhin Valley.
Bargaon, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
Details of the mask.
Bargaon, Nhin Valley – Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
The wooden masks (Bargaon village, 2,900 m, Nhin Valley) had previously been photographed by Lama Norbu Jangbu and published in 2021 by Frédéric Rond in Guidebook of Nepalese masks p 69 . These two masks were displayed in the home of the person who had carved them about fifty years earlier.
A mask carved from a tree knot, placed on the eastern side of a house belonging to the Kami (the caste of untouchables) in the village of Simikot (the administrative center of Humla district), alongside a bear skull.
The masks that follow were photographed by Girolami in September 2014, at the end of the Dasai festival, in the lower part of the village of Simikot—home to a large community of Dalits, the caste responsible for the village’s most menial tasks. Only one the first of these masks is made of wood while the second is of leather the others three are molded from a mixture of earth and animal dung. Upon a return visit in 2023, no masks were noted to be seen in this neighborhood.
Tibetan antelope horns are regarded as a protective talisman by both the Tibetan people and the shamans of the Humla region—particularly in the villages of the Nhin Valley, where Girolami documented a great many of them (certainly around fifty) embedded in the walls above doorways.
Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
These horns are used in a very specific ritual. Issue No. 36 of the “Lettre du Toit du Monde” was dedicated to these ritual horns; for that edition, Jean-Pierre provided François Pannier with numerous photographs and a wealth of information.
Le Toit du Monde Lettre Numero 36 – Photo Credit of Francois Pannier
The person photographed holding a horn—with whom Girolami stayed during his trip to the Nhin Valley for the Saga Dawa pilgrimage in June 2023—described to him the ritual he performs annually during the Losar period to celebrate Nag Jattra, five days after the half-moon in February or March.
Photo JP Girolami – Collection photo Claire et Jean-Pierre Girolami
For this celebration, the head of the household takes the horn in hand and walks around the house, touching the walls and exterior openings with the tip of the horn. According to this ritual, the horn represents a powerful, superior serpent capable of warding off all intruders, including other snakes.
Paris Tribal 2026 takes place from May 12 to 17 in the charming Saint-Germain-des-Prés neighborhood of Paris. This international event celebrates tribal arts from Africa, the Americas, the Himalayas, Indonesia, and Oceania, with exhibitions and activities hosted by galleries throughout the 6th arrondissement.
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Galerie Frédéric Rond presents Krodha Lamaist mask (wrathful deity) Northern Nepal Wood with a deep soot patina Height: 30 cm
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Galerie Frédéric Rond / Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Galerie Frédéric Rond / Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Galerie Frédéric Rond / Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
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Galerie Le Toit Du Monde – Paris / Photo Composition by Ethnoflorence
The Epic of the Web is an ongoing editorial and research project from Ethnoflorence, curated by Gian Marco Matteuzzi, that captures the pioneering days of the internet from 1994 to 2008 in connection with Himalayan, Indian, and tribal art. Acting as both a digital archive and a form of applied web ethnography, it looks at how early online platforms, websites, and digital communities transformed the way these art forms were studied and appreciated before social media emerged. The series shines a light on influential sites that introduced Himalayan tribal arts—such as masks, ritual objects, and shamanic tools—to a global audience. Ethnoflorence is redefining ethnography by focusing on digital archives and virtual interactions over traditional fieldwork, taking a collaborative approach that invites scholars and collectors to help create a shared digital memory in fresh, original ways. It also celebrates the shift from traditional, limited academic research to open-access online platforms, highlighting early digital pioneers like Michel Lostalem and his work on phurbus, the ritual shaman’s dagger.
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(III)
Editor Answers
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Ethnoflorence has just unveiled a new editorial feature called “Editor’s Answers,” led by its US based curator and editor Gian Marco Matteuzzi. Launched in October 2025, this new series offers concise responses to reader inquiries about Ethnoflorence’s digital ethnographic projects and on the current “Epic of the Web” series, which explores early internet archives dedicated to Himalayan and tribal arts. “Editor’s Answers” acts as both a platform for dialogue between Ethnoflorence and its readers and as a reflection on the legal, ethical, and archival challenges surrounding digital heritage preservation in tribal and Himalayan arts today.
How does the Ethnoflorence method differ from other web competitors?
Ethnoflorence sets itself apart from traditional Himalayan art research by taking a digital-first, web-native approach that combines ethnographic documentation, provenance tracking, and participatory curation, instead of relying solely on in-person academic fieldwork. We embrace a “graphic-ethnographic” style, incorporating visual grids and archival data, often co-authoring with collectors and emphasizing the online growth of Himalayan tribal art studies.
From a methodological perspective, Ethnoflorence serves as an “archival-semantic” digital hub, preserving masks and ritual objects through virtual archives (PDF/A, WARC) and online discussions, offering a contrast to the mostly in-person fieldwork of traditional studies. Unlike traditional museum curation, Ethnoflorence uses “graphic ethnography” with grids, sequences, and layered layouts to highlight variation within categories rather than focusing on single, isolated works of art, focusing on shared knowledge, drawing from collectors’ notes and older catalogs instead of relying on a single authoritative source, to offer a wider perspective on Himalayan material culture. While placing a strong emphasis on Himalayan and tribal arts, our digital approach tracks the history and evolution of online discussions, collecting habits, and provenance.
How Ethnoflorence uses digital archiving?
Ethnoflorence focuses on digital archiving, moving away from traditional fieldwork to create an engaging online space for exploring Himalayan and Indian tribal arts. By combining digital humanities, provenance research, and web ethnography, it aims to preserve and share unique cultural resources with a broader audience.
This digital-first approach bridges the gap between field research and museum collections, offering valuable context for scholars.
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